CORNELL
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY
BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT
FUND GIVEN IN 1891 BY
HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE
DATE DUE
Cornell University
Library
The original of this book is in
the Cornell University Library.
There are no known copyright restrictions in
the United States on the use of the text.
http://www.archive.org/cletails/cu31924065777728
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
In Twenty Volumes
Volume XIX
GLASGOW
PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS BY
ROBERT MACLEHOSE A' COMPANY LTD. FOR
JAMES MACLEHOSE AND SONS, PUBLISHERS
TO THE UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW
MACMILLAN AND CO. LTD. LONDON
THE MACMILLAN CO. NEW YORK
THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA TORONTO
SIMPKIN, HAMILTON AND CO. LONDON
MACMILLAN AND BOWES CAMBRIDGE
DOUGLAS AND FOULIS EDINBURGH
MCMVI
Hakluytus Posthumus
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning a History of the World
in- Sea Voyages and Lande Travells
by Englishmen and others
By
SAMUEL PURCHAS, B.D.
VOLUME XIX
Glasgow
James MacLehose and Sons
Publishers to the University
MCMTI
o , ,, , ,-,
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs
in the Ninth Booke of the Second part
of Purchas his Pilgrims.
CHAP. V.
A Letter of Master Gabriel Archer, touching the Voyage
of the Fleet of Ships, which arrived at Virginia,
without Sir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Summers,
1609. H
Crost by extraordinary windes. False rumours. Idlenesse
breedes mischiefe. New Governour.
CHAP. VI.
I true reportorie of the wrack, and redemption of Sir
Thomas Gates, Knight ; upon, and from the Hands
of the Bermudas : his comming to Virginia, and the
estate of that Colonic then, and after, under the
Government of the Lord La Warre, July 15. 1610.
written by Wil. Strachy. Esq; H. ...
I. A most dreadful! Tempest (the manifold deaths
whereof are heere to the life described) their Wracke
on Bermuda, and the description of those Hands. .
PACE
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. '■*°^
Terrible storme. Feare of death. Swelling Sea. Labour
for life. Breach of Sea. Governours care. Strange
apparition. Much luggage thrown over-boord.
Dreaded Hand. The state of things in India. Great
store of Haile. Many faire Harbors. Store of Palme
Trees ; black and round Berry. Want of Rivers and
water Springs. Store of Fish, and Fowle. Thousands
of Birds. Store of wilde Hogs. Many Tortoises.
§. 2. Actions and Occurrents whiles they continued in the
Hands : Ravens sent for Virginia ; Divers Mutinies ;
Paine executed : Two Pinnaces built. , . . 25
A Pinnace built. Summers Creeks. Lieutenant Gover-
nour assisted. People very diligent. Churlish
intreatie. Earnest vowes. Conscience against con-
science. Hopkins pardoned. Mutinie. Paines
mutinie and execution. Sir G. Summers mens flight.
Rebellious and turbulent Humorists. Thankfulnesse and
unitie. Violence of the Sea. Cedar bad for shipping.
§. 3. Their departure from Bermuda and arrivall in
Virginia : Miseries there, departure and returne
upon the Lord La Warres arriving. James Towne
described. ........ 41
Change of water. Cape Henry. Newes of safe arrivall.
Fort viewed. Want of provision. Neglect, and
sensuall surfet. Store of Grapes. Goodly Come.
Divers men killed. Misgovernment. East Indian
increase. Equall proportion. New found Land.
Favourable winde. Fortresse raised. Pewes of Cedar.
Casualtie of fire. Unholsome ayre.
§. 4. The Lord La Warres beginnings and proceedings in
James Towne, Sir Thomas Gates sent into England ;
his and the Companies testimony of Virginia, and
cause of the late miseries.
Long and silent Prayer. Commission read. A Voyage
proposed. Nets hawled. Villanous practises. Con-
ditions performed. Gifts received. Messengers fore-
warned. True Declaration. Mutinous Loyterers.
Tragicall History. Great store of fish. Fort weakned.'
Deepe consultation.
59
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pag*
CHAP. VII.
The Voyage of Captaine Samuell Argal, from James Towne
in Virginia, to seeke the He of Bermuda, and missing
the same, his putting over toward Sagadahoc and
Cape Cod, and so baclce againe to James Towne,
begun the nineteenth of June, 1610. H. . . 73
Fresh gale. Calme weather. Very stormy westerly varia-
tion. Calme weather ; Sundry kindes of soundings.
Blacke Ose. Store of Scales ; Hard gale ; Westerly
Variation. Wind shifting. Westerly variation.
CHAP. VIII.
A short Relation made by the Lord De la Warre, to
the Lords and others of the Counsell of Virginia,
touching his unexpected returne home, and after-
wards delivered to the general! Assembly of the said
Companie, at a Court holden the 25. of June, 161 1.
Published by authority of the said Counsell. . 85
Unjust protraction. Severall Maladies. Consultation held.
Fertile Countrey. Store of fish. Indians pursued.
CHAP. IX.
A Letter of Sir Samuell ArgoU, touching his Voyage to
Virginia, and Actions there : Written to Master
Nicholas Hawes. June, 161 3. H. . . . 90
Sir T. Dales deliverance. Felling of Timber. Great
quantitie of Come. Good Harbour.
CHAP. X.
Notes of Virginian Affaires in the government of Sir
Thomas Dale and of Sir Thomas Gates, till Ann.
1 61 4. taken out of Master Ralph Hamor (Secretarie
to the Colonie) his Booke. ..... 95
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. p*"^
Planting Come. Businesse of greatest hope. Store offish.
R. Nansamund. Sir Thomas Gates arrivall. Henrico
built. Guest-house for sicke people. French dis-
planted.
CHAP. XI.
A Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, and another of Master
Whitakers, from James Towne in Virginia, June i8.
1 614. And a peece of a Tractate, written by the
said Master Whitakers from Virginia the yeere before. i oz
To the R. and my most esteemed friend, M.D.M. at
his house at F.Ch. in London 102
Desperate hazard. Powhatans daughter prisoner. Rootes
and Hearbs in abundance. Sir Thomas Dales agree-
ment : his report of Virginia. Surplis and
subscription.
Part of a Tractate written at Henrico in Virginia, by
M. Alexander Whitaker, Minister to the Colonie
there, which then governed by Sir Thomas Dale,
1613 no
Miserable condition. Strange Narrations. Mother
Christian Towne. Defensive Armour. Strange
Beasts. Store of Fowles.
CHAP. xn.
Of the Lotterie : Sir Thomas Dales returne : the Spaniards
in Virginia. Of Pocahuntas and Tomocomo :
Captaine Yerdley and Captaine ArgoU (both since
Knighted) their Government ; the Lord La Warres
Death, and other occurrents till Anno 1619. . . 116
Sir T. Gates his returne from Virginia. State of Vir-
ginia. Tomocomo a Blasphemer. Cruell storme.
Treasurer chosen. Good instructions.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. pack
CHAP. XIII.
The estate of the Colonie, Anno 1620. and Master
Dermers Letter to me from Virginia, touching his
Voyage for the South Sea. . . . . .122
Severall Burroughs. Planting of Vineyards. Orders &
Constitutions.
A Note of the Shipping, Men, and Provisions sent to
Virginia, by the Treasurer and Companie, in the
yeere 1619. . . . . . . . 126
Virginia provision. Private adventurers. Timber of all
sorts. Patents granted. Ancient Plantations. Many
difficulties. Freedome and reliefe. Rockie Hands.
Overcharged with weather. Massacring Savages.
CHAP. XIIII.
A true Relation of a Sea-fight betweene two great and
well appointed Spanish Ships, or Men of Warre ;
and an English ship, called the Margaret and John,
or the Black Hodge, going for Virginia. . 135
FearefuU dangers. Volley of small shot. Holland Flagge.
Opprobrious tearmes. Reciprocall damage. Signes of
willingnesse. Musket shot. Many slaine. Scuppers
run of bloud. A disaster.
CHAP. XV.
Virginian af&ires since the yeere i6zo. till this present
1624 143
§. I. A Note of the shipping. Men, and provisions sent
and provided for Virginia, by the Right Honourable
Henry Earle of South-hampton, and the Companie,
and other private Adventurers, in the yeere 1621.
&c With other Occurrents then published by the
Companie. . . . . . . . .143
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. ^*°^
Ships and People. .....•• '43
And for the benefit of the Plantations these things follow-
ing have beene here done this yeere. . . • '44
Other Occurrents of note .145
Gifts 1+7
Provision for Virginia. Benefit of the Plantations.
Governours arrivall. Late discovery. Vines of all
sorts. Patents granted.
§. 2. Newes from Virginia in Letters sent thence 1621.
partly published by the Company, partly transcribed
from the Originals, with Letters of his Majestic, and
of the Companie touching Silke-workes. . . .149
Newes sent. Restraint for Trade. Late Discoverie.
Seven goodly Rivers ; Wild Grapes. Copper Peeces.
His Majesties gracious Letter to the Earle of South-
hampton, Tresurer, and to the Counsell and Com-
panie of Virginia here : commanding the present
setting up of Silke-workes, and planting of Vines in
Virginia. . . . . . . . .154
His Majest. Letter to the Treasurer of Virginia. Par-
ticular advice.
§. 3. The barbarous Massacre committed by the Savages
on the English planters, March the two and twentieth,
1 62 1, after the English accompt. . . . .157
Barbarous Massacre. Fatall day. Cruell Murtherers.
Many curtesies. Viperous broode. Conversion of
the Savages. Dangerous Conspiracie. Cause of
Surprise.
|. 4. A Note of provisions necessarie for every Planter or
personall Adventurer to Virginia : and accidents since
the Massacre. . . . . . . .164
Necessaries for such as transport themselves into Virginia.
Cruell Savages. Cruell Massacre. Cap. Nuce en-
trenched.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. i'*<=^
CHAP. XVI.
English Voyages to the Summer Hands ; Henry Mays
Shipwracke there 1593. The first Colony sent 1612. 171
Voyages to the Summer Hands. May his shipwracke.
Comfortable passage. Store of Fish. Berries pleasant
to eate. Three sorts of Timber.
A Copie of the Articles which Master R. More, Governour
Deputie of the Summer Hands, propounded to the
Company that were there with him to be subscribed
unto, which both hee and they subscribed the second
of August, in his House, Anno 161 2. which about
the same time hee sent into England, to the Wor-
shipful! Companie of the Adventurours. . . .176
Articles propounded, and subscribed unto.
CHAP. XVII.
Relations of Summer Hands, taken out of Master Richard
Norwood, his Map and Notes added thereto, printed
1622. The Historie of the Creatures growing or
living therein, being inlarged out of Captaine Smiths
written Relations. . . . . . . .179
Strange annoyance by Rats. Come consumed by them.
Destitute of Boats : Disease called the Feages. Ship
and provision. Survey of the Countrey. Com-
modities meete for Trade. Scarcitie of fresh water.
Yellow Spider. Varietie of fish. Historie of Turkles
or Tortoyses, and of prickled Peares.
CHAP. XVIII.
Extracts out of Captaine John Smiths Historie of Ber-
mudas, or Summer Hands ; touching the English acts
and occurrents there from the beginning of the
Plantation 193
xi
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters— Continued. p*°^
The animall and vegetall creatures in Summer Hands.
Moores Fortifications. Spanish Ships. Rat-plague.
Feagues-sicknes. Flying Fishes. Brasse Money.
Assizes kept. House of Cedar. Church finished.
Spanish Wrack. Bulwarkes raised. Miserable tor-
ments. Noisome Wormes.
CHAP. XIX.
Briefe intelligence from Virginia by Letters, a supplement
of French-Virginian occurrants, and their supplanta-
tion by Sir Samuel Argal, in right of the English
plantation. ........ 207
Intollerable Rates. His Majesties care. Plentifull increase.
Virginias good & evili. Frenchmen and their fortunes
in Virginia. Jesuites acts. French supplanted by Sir
Samuel Argall. Canada hopefull way to the South Sea.
CHAP. XX.
Virginias Verger : or a discourse shewing the benefits
which may grow to this Kingdome from American-
English Plantations, and specially those of Virginia
and Summer Hands. . . . . . .218:
Gods image in Man. Religious conformity. Evangelicall
Charter. Babels buildings. Englands Naturall and
Nationall right to plant in Virginia. English just
title to Virginia. Sir Sebastian Cabot. Englands
manifold rights to Virginia. Gods glory in his
various works. Mynes not they great minds wealth.
Virginia best in the best endowments of a Country.
Cause of ill successe. Virginias baggage and impedi-
ments. Motives to make her English. Spaines
American greatnesse a motive for Englands Virginia.
Virginias aery climate, watery Rivers, and large soyle.
Many commodities inciting and inviting a Virginian
progresse. Pleasure, profit, gloria by Navigation.
Motives for Virginia. Benefit by fishing ; Motives
for Virginia from these times, &c. Necessity and
commodity of a Virginian Plantation. South Sea.
Virginia and Bermuda how usefull. Q. Elizabeths
glory. Bellonas plea for Virginia and Bermuda.
Indian Sea-course. English Voyages miscarrying for
want of a Virginian Port.
THE TABLE
PAGE
The Contents of the Chapters and Paragraphs in
the tenth Booke of the Second part of
Purchas his Pilgrims.
CHAP. I.
A Briefe Relation of the discoverie and plantation of
New England : and of sundrie accidents therein
occurring, from the yeer of our Lord 1607. to this
present 1622. published by the President and Councell,
and dedicated to the Princes Highnesse, here abbre-
viated. ......... 269
New supply. WonderfuU discouragement. Christian Faith.
Attempt frustrate. Many extremities. Armes for
defence. Harbour entred. Fishing businesse. A
new Graunt. Patent renewed ; peaceable plantation ;
tractable people. Commodities of the Countrey.
Opportune places. Shewes of Pearle.
CHAP. II.
The voyage of Master Henrie Challons, intended for the
North plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken by the
way, and ill used by Spaniards : written by John
Stoneman Pilot. H. . . . . . . 284
Voyage to the N. plantation. Dominica. Friar Blascus.
English unhappily taken and ill used by Spaniards.
Cruell imprisonment. Treacherous Spaniards. Des-
paire of libertie. Contrary wind. Cap. Legat slaine.
Slaves to the Spaniards.
CHAP. III.
Extracts of a Booke of Captaine John Smith, printed
1622. called New Englands trialls, and continuing
the storie thereof, with Motives to the businesse of
fishing there. ....... 297
xiii
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. p*°^
New Englands Tryals. Benefit of fishing. Fish sold for
Gold. Increase of shipping. Labyrinth. Fraught
with Fish. Pure cowardise. Taulbuts Bay. Passen-
gers discharged. Supply of victuall. Religious people.
An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colonic in New
England, July sixteene, 1622. . . . • 3°^
Rare novelties. Desperate designes. Strong Fort. Wonder-
full returns. Rare secrets.
CHAP. iin.
A Relation or Journall of a plantation setled at Plimoth
in New England, and proceedings therof; printed
1622. and here abbreviated. . . . . .312
Pleasant Bay. Muscles full of Pearle. Boate laded with
Juniper. Randevous held. Store of small Vines.
Harbour for Ship. Device to catch Deere. Cold
Harbour. Flocks of wilde Geese. Great quantitie
of Powder. Houses double matted. Many Graves.
Arrowes flying. Sweet Brooke. Much weaknesse.
The common house. Muskets charged. Military
Orders. Extraordinary plague. Beavers skins. Trucke
with the Savages. Hostages. Chaine of Beades.
Good watch kept. Savages fearefulnesse. Great
plague. Great courage. Presents delivered. Bad
lodging. Stormie weather. Excessive crying. Singing
and dancing.
CHAP. V.
Good newes from New England : or, a relation of things
remarkable in that Plantation ; written by E. Win-
slow, and here abbreviated. ..... 344
Many threats. Feare of the enemie. Captaines absence.
Carriage of Tisquantum. A conceit of the plague
buried. Plentie enjoyed. Encrease of fish. Come
wasted. Many clamours. Captaines supplied. Tem-
pestuous season. Injurious walking. Come equally
divided. Bay. Tobacco and Beades. Abundance of
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 'age
Basse. Colonic. Faire opportunitie. Professed friend-
ship. Troubled spirit. Friendly entertainment.
Comfortable Conserves. Recovery. Exceeding enter-
tainment. Respected friends. Many Arguments.
Undirect meanes. Secret Plot. Grievous Relation.
Friendship pretended. Wet and stormy weather.
FearefuU noise. Many killed. Beaver Coates. Plot
confessed. Message sent. Three persons drowned.
Great drought. Dejected soules. Solemne daye set.
Garlands hung up. Strange apparitions. Cold
weather. Bitter Hearbs. The Sachims care. Many
gifts. Variable names. Dishonest dealing punished.
Historicall discourses related. Variable soyle, manured
with fish.
CHAP. VI.
Nova Scotia. The Kings Patent to Sir William Alexander
Knight, for the plantation of New Scotland in
America, and his proceedings therein ; with a descrip-
tion of Mawooshen for better knowledge of those
parts 394
The Kings Patent. The Kings Charter for New Scotland.
New provisions. Pleasant River. Store of wilde
Fowle.
The description of the Country of Mawooshen, discovered
by the English, in the yeere 1602. 3, 5, 6, 7, 8,
and 9. H 400
Commodious River. Great Lake. Store of Woods.
Many houses and men. Lake of eight dayes journey.
CHAP. vn.
The beginning of the Patent for New-found-land ; and
the plantation there made by the English, 1610.
delivered in a Letter dated thence from M. Guy,
to M. Slany : Also of the weather the three first
winters, and of Captaine Weston : with other re-
markable occurrents. H. 406
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. ^^°^
A Patent for New-found-land ; and Plantation, Trinitie
Bay.
Master John Guy his Letter to Master Slany Treasurer,
and to the Counsell of the New-found-land plantation. 410
Master Guy his Letter to the Treasurer. Seasonable
Countrie. Store-house for Provision. Medow
grounds. Ships returne. Skins and Furs.
To Master John Slany Treasurer, and others of the
Councell, and Companie of the New-found-land
plantation, the 29. of July, 1612 417
Harbor de Grace. Victuals and Munition. Hands of Ice.
Biskin Oare. Conference with Savages. Their fashions
and Canoas. Bartering with the Savages.
CHAP. VIIL
Captaine Richard Whitbournes voyages to New-found-
land, and observations there, and thereof ; taken out
of his printed booke. ...... 424
Coast of Canadie. Divers Voyages to New-found-land.
A Relation of New-found-land. ..... 429
The Countrie, People, and Bales of New-found-land.
Manifold Commodities of New-found-land. Com-
modities by fishing. Store of Skins. Strange Creature.
CHAP. IX.
The names of divers honourable persons and others, who
have undertaken to helpe to advance his Majesties
plantation in the New-found-land : written by the
said R. W. with extracts of certaine Letters written
from thence. ........ 4.4.0
Plantation advanced. Colonic maintained. Great benefit.
Extracts of a Letter. Large Parlour. Good tempera-
ture. HealthfuU ayre. Fresh Rivers. Woods burned.
THE TABLE
The second Part of the tenth Booke.
CHAP. X.
Divers warlike Fleets set forth to Sea against the Spaniards,
by our English Debora, Queene Elizabeth, of glorious
memorie : Her manifold deliveries and victories. . 449
Queene Elizabeth. Papall Rome greater Saint-slayer, then
the Ethnike, Man-slayer.
CHAP. XI.
The Popes Bull, the King of Spaines preparations, the
Duke of Medinas Expedition, the Duke of Parmas
Forces, for the invasion of England : divers Sea fights
twixt the English and Spanish Fleets, the Sea flight
of the Spanish, and miserable disasters in their
returne. Their lyes. The Queenes religious triumph. 459
Popes Bull against Queene Elizabeth, virith Annotations.
The Pope pleads and rewards Treasons. Spanish
maske.
Squadron of the Galeons of Portugall. .... 468
The Spanish Ships, men, and provisions to invade Eng-
land, 1588. Infinite store, of shipping : Men: and
all manner of Munition. Sixtie foure Galleons.
Brasen Ordnance. Chiefe Marshall.
Don Alonso Peres de Gusman, the good Duke of Medina,
Sidonia, Countie of Nebla, Marquesse of Casheshe
in Africa, Lord of the Citie of Saint Lucar, Captaine
Generall of the Occian Sea, of the Coast of Andaluzia,
and of this Armie of his Majestie, and Knight of the
honorable Order of the golden Fleece. . . . 479
The Generals strait command to the Captaine of the
Navie. Famous and warlike preparation. Sea and
Land forces. Spanish Fleet. Flemmings newes.
English unprepared. A Galleon and Biscainer taken.
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued. 'a°^
Don Pedro de Valdez captive. Spaniards pursued.
Bloudie fight. Counsell assembled. Dangerous con-
flict. Government resigned. Flight. Duke of Parma
his intent. A brave encounter. Great vantages.
Enemy confounded. Goods unladen. Great en-
counter. English arrivall. Contrary wrindes. Great
shipwracke. Many Spanish Nobles drowned. Spanish
Fleete departed. Psalmes of thanksgiving.
The true relation of the successe of the Catholike Armie
against their Enemies, by the Letters of the Post-
master of Logrono of the fourth of September, and by
Letters from Roan of the 31. of August, and by
Letters from Paris of the Kings Embassadour there :
wherein hee declareth the imprisonment of Francis
Drake, and other great Nobles of England, and how
the Queene is in the field with an Armie, and of a
certaine mutinie which was amongst the Queenes
Armie, with the successe of the said Catholike Armie
since they entred in the Groyne, till they came on the
Coast of England, with two Ballets compounded by
Christover Bravo, a blinde man of Cordova, printed
with licence by Gabriel Ramos Beiarano printer. . 511
Packet of lyes, concerning the successe of the Catholike
Army. False rumour. Strange stratagem.
CHAP. xn.
A discourse of the Portugall voyage. Anno 1589. Sir
John Norris and Sir Francis Drake Generalls,
written (as is thought) by Colonell Antonie Wingfield,
imployed in the same voyage, formerly published by
his friend to whom it was written ; and here abbre-
viated. .....
Portugall Voyage. Good fortune. New Voyage. Fleet
scattered. Enemy expected. Flemish Warres. Mar-
shall Services. Want of victualls. Ships and Gallies.
Huge cry. Five hundred throats cut. Powder
516
THE TABLE
The Contents of the Chapters — Continued.
bedded. Breach made. The Groine. Mine-mis-
chance. Puente de Burgos Battell. Spaniards
overthrowne. Portugalls spoiled. The Groine burned.
Portugall Voyage. Peniche taken. March and Fleet
for Lisbon. English enter the Suburbs of Lisbon.
Spaniards chased to the Gates. Necessaries minis-
tred. Enemy beaten. Towne fortified. Wants
supplied. Army ready. Peeces of Battery. Flie
Boates sent home. Ambassadour returned. Towne
entred. State of the Armie. Fleet dispersed.
ILLUSTRATION
Map of Nova Scotia, ...... 400
PAGE
THE NINETEENTH VOLUME
or
Purchas His Pilgrimes
Contayning English Plantations, Discoveries, Acts
and Occurrents in Virginia and Summer
Islands : English Discoveries and Plan-
tations in New England, Newfound-
land ; with the Patent and Voyages
to New Scotland, and Relations
of the Fleets set forth by
Queen Elizabeth against
the Spaniards
A.D.
1609.
Chap. V.
Letter of M. Gabriel Archar, touching the
Voyage of the Fleet of Ships, which arrived at
Virginia, without Sir Tho. Gates, and Sir
George Summers, 1609.
Rom Woolwich the fifteenth of May, 1 609,
seventh saile weyed anchor, and came to
Plimmouth the twentieth day, where Sir
George Somers, with two small Vessels,
consorted with us. Here we tooke into
the Blessing (being the ship wherein I
went) sixe Mares and two Horses; and
the Fleet layed in some necessaries belonging to the
action : In which businesse we spent time till the second
of June. And then wee set sayle to Sea, but crost by
South-west windes, we put in to Faulemouth, and there
staying till the eight of June, we then gate out. Our
Course was commanded to leave the Canaries one hundred Tie appointed
leagues to the Eastward at least, and to steere away directly Course.
for Virginia, without touching at the West Indies, except
the Fleet should chance to be separated, then they were to
repaire to the Bermuda, there to stay seven dayes in expec-
tation of the Admirall ; and if they found him not, then
to take their course to Virginia.
Now thus it happened ; about sixe dayes after we lost
the sight of England, one of Sir George Somers
Pinnasses left our company, and (as I take it) bare up for j,^^ g/^. ^^^
England ; the rest of the ships, viz. The Sea Adventure cMefe men in
Admirall, wherein was Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George the tket.
XIX I A
A.D.
1609.
Sicknesse and
mortalitie at
Sea.
Terrible
tempest.
[IV. ix.
I734-]
Note. False
rumors
chargeable.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Somer, and Captaine Newport: The Diamond Vice-
admirall, wherein was Captaine Ratcliffe, and Captaine
King. The Falcon Reare-admirall, in which was Captaine
Martin, and Master Nellson : The Blessing, wherein I and
Captaine Adams went: The Unitie, wherein Captaine
Wood, and Master Pett were. The Lion, wherein Cap-
taine Webb remained : And the Swallow of Sir George
Somers, in which Captaine Moone, and Master Somer
went. In the Catch went one Matthew Fitch Master:
and in the Boat of Sir George Somers, called the Virginia,
which was built in the North Colony, went one Captaine
Davies, and one Master Davies. These were the Cap-
taines and Masters of our Fleet.
We ran a Southerly course from the Tropicke of Cancer,
where having the Sun within sixe or seven degrees right
over our head in July, we bore away West ; so that by
the fervent heat and loomes breezes, many of our men fell
sicke of the Calenture, and out of two ships was throwne
over-boord thirtie two persons. The Viceadmirall was
said to have the plague in her ; but in the Blessing we
had not any sicke, albeit we had twenty women and
children. 0
Upon Saint James day, being about one hundred and
fiftie leagues distant from the West Indies, in crossings the
Gulfe of Bahoma, there hapned a most terrible and vehe-
ment storme, which was a taile of the West Indian;
Horacano ; this tempest seperated all our Fleet one from
another, and it was so violent that men could scarce standi
upon the Deckes, neither could any man heare anothetl
speake, being thus divided, every man steered his owne
course, and as it fell out about five or sixe dayes after the'
storme ceased (which endure fortie foure houres in
extremitie) the Lion first, and after the Falcon and the
Unitie, got sight of our Shippe, and so we lay a way
directly for Virginia, finding neither current nor winde
opposite, as some have reported, to the great charge of
our Counsell and Adventurers. The Unity was sore dis-
tressed when she came up with us, for of seventy land
GABRIEL ARCHER a.d.
1609.
men, she had not ten sound, and all her Sea men were ArnvaUin
downe, but onely the Master and his Boy, with one poore f^irginia-
sailer, but we relieved them, and we foure consorting, fell
into the Kings River haply the eleventh of August. In
the Unity were borne two children at Sea, but both died,
being both Boyes.
When wee came to James Towne, we found a Ship
which had bin there in the River a moneth before we
came ; this was sent out of England by our Counsels
leave and authority, to fish for Sturgeon, and to goe the
ready way, without tracing through the Torrid Zoan, and
shee performed it : her Commander was Captaine ArgoU Ca/>/ain
(a good Marriner, and a very civill Gentleman) and her Argall.
Master one Robert Tindall.
The people of our Colonic were found all in health (for State of the
the most part) howbeit when Captaine ArgoU came in. Colony.
they were in such distresse, for many were dispersed in
the Savages townes, living upon their almes for an ounce
of Copper a day, and fourescore lived twenty miles from
the Fort, and fed upon nothing but Oysters eight weekes
space, having no other allowance at all, neither were the
people of the Country able to relieve them if they would. Idlenesse and
Whereupon Captaine Newport and others have beene "''^'' ^"" '"
much to blame to informe the Counsell of such plenty of
victual! in this Country, by which meanes they have beene
slacke in this supply to give convenient content. Upon
this, you that be adventurers, must pardon us, if you finde
not returne of Commodity so ample as you may expect,
because the law of nature bids us seeke sustenance first,
and then to labour to content you afterwards. But upon
this point I shall be more large in my next Letter.
After our foure Ships had bin in harbour a few dayes. Some things
came in the Viceadmirall, having cut her maine Mast partly false
over boord, and had many of her men very sicke and rumors, partly
weake, but she could tell no newes of our Governour, and gg/dJi are
some three or foure dayes after her, came in the Swallow, here left out.
with her maine Mast overboord also, and had a shrewd
leake, neither did she see our Admirall.
A.D.
1609.
They choose a
new Governor,
nine Ilia
lachryma.
Hence from
the malecon-
tents which
had beene in
Virginia
before enemies
to the Presi-
dent, raising
now ill reports
at their com-
ming of him
arose these
stirs, and the
following
miseries in
which this
Author with
almost the
whole Colony
perished.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Now did we all lament much the absence of our Gover-
nour, for contentions began to grow, and factions, and
partakings, &c. Insomuch as the President, to strengthen
his authority, accorded with the Mariners, and gave not
any due respect to many worthy Gentlemen, that came
in our Ships : whereupon they generally (having also my
consent) chose Master West, my Lord de la Wars brother,
to be their Governour, or president de bene esse, in the
absence of Sir Thomas Gates, or if he miscarried by Sea,,
then to continue till we heard newes from our Counselll
in England. This choice of him they made not to dis-
turbe the old President during his time, but as his
authority expired, then to take upon him the sole govern-
ment, with such assistants of the Captaines, as discreetest
persons as the Colonie afforded. Perhaps you shall have
it blazoned a mutenie by such as retaine old malice ; but
Master West, Master Percie, and all the respected Gentle-
men of worth in Virginia, can and will testifie otherwise)
upon their oathes. For the Kings Patent we ratified, but
reftised to be governed by the President that now is, after
his time was expired, and onely subjected our selves to
Master West, whom we labour to have next President. I
cannot certifie you of much more as yet, untill we grow
to some certaine stay in this our state, but by the other
Ships you shall know more. So with my harty com-
mendations I cease. From James Towne this last of
August 1609.
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
Chap. VI.
A true reportory of the wracke, and redemption
of Sir Thomas Gates Knight ; upon, and from
the Hands of the Bermudas : his comming to
Virginia, and the estate of that Colonie then,
and after, under the government of the Lord
La Warre, July 15. 1610. written by WiUiam
Strachy, Esquire.
§• I.
A most dreadfull Tempest (the manifold deaths
whereof are here to the life described) their
wracke on Bermuda, and the description of
those Hands.
Xcellent Lady, know that upon Friday late 2. June. 160^.
in the evening, we brake ground out of
the Sound of Plymouth, our whole Fleete
then consisting of seven good Ships, and
two Pinnaces, all which fi-om the said
second of June, unto the twenty three
of July, kept in friendly consort together,
not a whole watch at any time loosing the sight each of
other. Our course when we came about the height of
betweene 26. and 27. degrees, we declined to the North- ^//J^^j
ward, and according to our Governours instructions altered [iv. ix.
the trade and ordinary way used heretofore by Dominico, 1735]
and Mevis, in the West Indies, and found the winde to
this course indeede as friendly, as in the judgement of all
Sea-men, it is upon a more direct line, and by Sir George sir G.
Summers our Admirall had bin likewise in former time Summers a
sailed, being a Gentleman of approved assurednesse, and S"^ mariner
ready knowledge in Sea-fering actions, having often carried . "souUUr
command, and chiefe charge in many Ships Royall of her
Majesties, and in sundry Voyages made many defeats and
5
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
attempts in the time of the Spaniards quarrelling with
us, upon the Hands and Indies, &c. We had followed this
course so long, as now we were within seven or eight
dayes at the most, by Cap. Newports reckoning of making
Cape Henry upon the coast of Virginia: When on S.
James his day, July 24. being Monday (preparing for no
A terrible lesse all the blacke night before) the cloudes gathering
'^'^tr ss d 'n ^^^^ ^P°*^ ^Sj ^"d the windes singing, and whistling
^paZticalland "^"^t unusually, which made us to cast off our Pinnace
retoricall towing the same untill then asterne, a dreadfuU storme
description. and hideous began to blow from out the North-east, which
swelling, and roaring as it were by fits, some houres with
more violence then others, at length did beate all light
Black- from heaven ; which like an hell of darkenesse turned
darknes. blacke upon us, so much the more fuller of horror, as in
such cases horror and feare use to overrunne the troubled,
and overmastered sences of all, which (taken up with
amazement) the eares lay so sensible to the terrible cries,
and murmurs of the windes, and distraction of our Com-^ ''■
pany, as who was most armed, and best prepared, was not
Feare of death a little shaken. For surely (Noble Lady) as death comes
at Sea more ^^^ gg sodaine nor apparant, so he comes not so elvish
jeaieju . ^^^ painfull (to men especially even then in health and
perfect habitudes of body) as at Sea; who comes at no
time so welcome, but our frailty (so weake is the hold of
hope in miserable demonstrations of danger) it makes
guilty of many contrary changes, and conflicts : For
indeede death is accompanied at no time, nor place with
circumstances every way so uncapable of particularities of
goodnesse and inward comforts, as at Sea. For it is most ,
true, there ariseth commonly no such unmerciflill tempest, :|,
compound of so many contrary and divers Nations, but
that it worketh upon the whole frame of the body, and
most loathsomely afFecteth all the powers thereof: and
the manner of the sicknesse it laies upon the body, being
so unsufferable, gives not the minde any free and quiet
time, to use her judgement and Empire: which made
the Poet say :
6
SIR THOMAS GATES
A.D.
1609.
and increase.
Hostium uxores, puerique csecos
Sentlant motus orientis Haedi, &
^quoris nigri fremitumj & trementes
Verbere ripas.
For foure and twenty houres the storme in a restlesse Continuance
tumult, had blowne so exceedingly, as we could not appre-
hend in our imaginations any possibility of greater
violence, yet did wee still finde it, not onely more terrible,
but more constant, fliry added to fury, and one storme
urging a second more outragious then the former ; whether
it so wrought upon our feares, or indeede met with new
forces: Sometimes strikes in our Ship amongst women,
and passengers, not used to such hurly and discomforts,
made us looke one upon the other with troubled hearts,
and panting bosomes : our clamours dround in the windes,
and the windes in thunder. Prayers might well be in the
heart and lips, but drowned in the outcries of the Officers :
nothing heard that could give comfort, nothing seene that
might incourage hope. It is impossible for me, had I the
voyce of Stentor, and expression of as many tongues, as
his throate of voyces, to expresse the outcries and miseries,
not languishing, but wasting his spirits, and art constant
to his owne principles, but not prevailing. Our sailes
wound up lay without their use, and if at any time wee
bore but a Hollocke, or halfe forecourse, to guide her
before the Sea, six and sometimes eight men were not
inough to hold the whipstafFe in the steerage, and the
tiller below in the Gunner roome, by which may be
imagined the strength of the storme : In which, the Sea
swelled above the Clouds, and gave battell unto Heaven.
It could not be said to raine, the waters like whole Rivers '"'^^^^''i ■"'^^
did flood in the ayre. And this I did still observe, that
whereas upon the Land, when a storme hath powred it
selfe forth once in drifts of raine, the winde as beaten
downe, and vanquished therewith, not long after indureth :
here the glut of water (as if throatling the winde ere while)
was no sooner a little emptied and qualified,, but instantly
the windes (as having gotten their mouthes now free, and
Swelling Sea
set forth in a
A.D.
1609.
Compared
with the
Authors
former
experiments.
Leake added
to the stormes
terrour.
[IV.
IX.
1736.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
at liberty) spake more loud, and grew more tumultuous,
and malignant. What shall I say ? Windes and Seas were
as mad, as fury and rage could make them ; for mine owne
part, I had bin in some stormes before, as well upon the
coast of Barbary and Algeere, in the Levant, and once
more distressfiill in the Adriatique gulfe, in a bottome of
Candy, so as I may weU say. Ego quid sit ater Adrise
novi sinus, & quid albus Peccet lapex. Yet all that I had
ever suffered gathered together, might not hold com-
parison with this : there was not a moment in which the
sodaine splitting, or instant over-setting of the Shippe Was
not expected.
Howbeit this was not all ; It pleased God to bring a
greater affliction yet upon us ; for in the beginning of the
storme we had received likewise a mighty leake. Ahd
the Ship in every joynt almost, having spued out her
Okam, before we were aware (a casualty more desperate
then any other that a Voyage by Sea draweth with it) was
growne five foote suddenly deepe with water above her
ballast, and we almost drowned within, whilest we sat
looking when to perish from above. This imparting no
lesse terrour then danger, ranne through the whole Ship
with much fright and amazement, startled and turned the
bloud, and tooke downe the braves of the most hardy
Marriner of them all, insomuch as he that before happily
felt not the sorrow of others, now began to sorrow for
himselfe, when he saw such a pond of water so suddeijily
broken in, and which he knew could not (without presint
avoiding) but instantly sinke him. So as joyning (onely
for his owne sake, not yet worth the saving) in the
publique safety; there might be scene Master, Masters
Mate, Boateswaine, Quarter Master, Coopers, Carpenters,
and who not, with candels in their hands, creeping along
the ribs viewing the sides, searching every corner, and
listening in every place, if they could heare the water
runne. Many a weeping leake was this way found, and
hastily stopt, and at length one in the Gunner roome
made up with I know not how many peeces of Beefe :
8
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
but all was to no purpose, the Leake (if it were but one)
which drunke in our greatest Seas, and tooke in our
destruction fastest, could not then be found, nor ever -was,
by any labour, counsell, or search. The waters still
increasing, and the Pumpes going, which at length choaked
with bringing up whole and continuall Bisket (and indeede
all we had, tenne thousand weight) it was conceived, as
most likely, that the Leake might be sprung in the Bread- Leake cannot
roome, whereupon the Carpenter went downe, and ript up ^'/'"^d,
all the roome, but could not finde it so. l>ut be "found
I am not able to give unto your Ladiship every mans
thought in this perplexity, to which we were now brought ;
but to me, this Leakage appeared as a wound given to
men that were before dead. The Lord knoweth, I had
as little hope, as desire of life in the storme, & in this,
it went beyond my will ; because beyond my reason, why
we should labour to preserve life ; yet we did, either
because so deare are a few lingring houres of life in all
mankinde, or that our Christian knowledges taught us,
how much we owed to the rites of Nature, as bound, not
to be false to our selves, or to neglect the meanes of our
owne preservation ; the most despaireftill things amongst
men, being matters of no wonder nor moment with him,
who is the rich Fountaine and admirable Essence of all
mercy.
Our Governour, upon the tuesday morning (at what
time, by such who had bin below in the hold, the Leake
was first discovered) had caused the whole Company, about
one hundred and forty, besides women, to be equally
divided into three parts, and opening the Ship in three
places (under the forecastle, in the waste, and hard by the
Bitacke) appointed each man where to attend; and there- Their labour
unto every man came duely upon his watch, tooke the M lift tf^rce
Bucket, or Pumpe for one houre, and rested another, "^p" "^'^
Then men might be seene to labour, I may well say, for '"'^' ''■
life, and the better sort, even our Governour, and Admirall
themselves, not refusing their turne, and to spell each the
other, to give example to other. The common sort
9
A.D.
1609.
Seabreakesin.
The Gover-
nours care.
Remora is
fabled to be a
small fish able
to withstand a
Shippe in her
course.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
stripped naked, as men in Gallies, the easier both to hold
out, and to shrinke from under the salt water, which
continually leapt in among them, kept their eyes waking,
and their thoughts and hands working, with tyred bodies,
and wasted spirits, three dayes and foure nights destitute
of outward comfort, and desperate of any deliverance,
testifying how mutually willing they were, yet by labour
to keepe each other from drowning, albeit each one
drowned whilest he laboured.
Once, so huge a Sea brake upon the poope and quarter,
upon us, as it covered our Shippe from stearne to stemme,
like a garment or a vast cloude, it filled her brimme full
for a while within, from the hatches up to the sparre decke.
This source or confluence of water was so violent, as it
rusht and carried the Helm-man from the Helme, and
wrested the Whip-stafFe out of his hand, which so flew
from side to side, that when he would have ceased the
same againe, it so tossed him from Star-boord to Lar-
boord, as it was Gods mercy it had not. split him : It so
beat him from his hold, and so bruised him, as a fresh man
hazarding in by chance fell faire with it, and by maine
strength bearing somewhat up, made good his place, and
with much clamour incouraged and called upon others;
who gave her now up, rent in pieces and absolutely lost.
Our Governour was at this time below at the Capstone,
both by his speech and authoritie heartening every man
unto his labour. It strooke him from the place where hee
sate, and groveled him, and all us about him on our faces,
beating together with our breaths all thoughts from our
bosomes, else, then that wee were now sinking. For my
part, I thought her alreadie in the bottome of the Sea ; and
I have heard him say, wading out of the floud thereof, all
his ambition was but to climbe up above hatches to dye
in Aperto coelo, and in the company of his old friends.
It so stun'd the ship in her full pace, that shee stirred no
more, then if shee had beene caught in a net, or t£en, as
if the fabulous Remora had stucke to her fore-castle. Yet
without bearing one inch of saile, even then shee was
sin THOMAS GATES
making her way nine or ten leagues in a watch. One thing,
it is not without his wonder (whether it were the feare
of death in so great a storme, or that it pleased God to
be gracious unto us) there was not a passenger, gentleman,
or other, after hee beganne to stirre and labour, but was
able to relieve his fellow, and make good his course : And
it is most true, such as in all their life times had never
done houres worke before (their mindes now helping their
bodies) were able twice fortie eight houres together to
toile with the best.
During all this time, the heavens look'd so blacke upon
us, that it was not possible the elevation of the Pole might
be observed : nor a Starre by night, not Sunne beame by
day was to be seene. Onely upon the thursday night Sir
George Summers being upon the watch, had an apparition
of a Tittle round light, like a faint Starre, trembling, and
streaming along with a sparkeling blaze, halfe the height
upon the Maine Mast, and shooting sometimes from
Shroud to Shroud, tempting to settle as it were upon any
of the foure Shrouds : and for three or foure houres
together, or rather more, halfe the night it kept with us ;
running sometimes along the Maine-yard to the very end,
and then returning. At which. Sir George Summers
called divers about him, and shewed them the same, who
observed it with much wonder, and carefulnesse : but upon
a sodaine, towards the morning watch, they lost the sight
of it, and knew not what way it made. The superstitious
Sea-men make many constructions of this Sea-fire, which
neverthelesse is usuall in stormes : the same (it may be)
which the Graecians were wont in the Mediterranean to
call Castor and Pollux, of which, if one onely appeared
without the other, they tooke it for an evill signe of great
tempest. The Italians, and such, who lye open to the
Adriatique and Tyrrene Sea, call it (a sacred Body) Corpo
sancto : the Spaniards call it Saint Elmo, and have an
authentique and miraculous Legend for it. Be it what it
will, we laid other foundations of safety or ruine, then in
the rising or falling of it, could it have served us now
A.D.
1609.
God inableth
whom he will
save to save
themselves.
[IV. Ix.
I737-]
Utter darknes.
Light on the
Shrouds.
See Tom. i.
/.9.f.I2.§.I.
A.D.
1609.
No sleepe or
food from
tuesday till
friday.
1200.
Barricos an
lioure, besides
3. Pumps,
acquitting
100 tuns
of water every
4. houres.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
miraculously to have taken our height by, it might have
strucken amazement, and a reverence in our devotions,
according to the due of a miracle. But it did not light
us any whit the more to our knowne way, who ran now
(as doe hoodwinked men) at all adventures, sometimes
North, and North-east, then North and by West, and in
an instant againe varying two or three points, and some-
times halfe the Compasse. East and by South we steered
away as much as we could to beare upright, which was no
small carefulnesse nor paine to doe, albeit we much
unrigged our Ship, threw over-boord much luggage, many
a Trunke and Chest (in which I suffered no meane losse)
and staved many a Butt of Beere, Hogsheads of Oyle,
Syder, Wine, and Vinegar, and heaved away all our
Ordnance on the Starboord side, and had now purposed to
have cut downe the Maine Mast, the more to lighten her,
for we were much spent, and our men so weary, as their
strengths together failed them, with their hearts, having
travailed now from Tuesday till Friday morning, day and
night, without either sleepe or foode ; for the leakeage
taking up all the hold, wee could neither come by Beere
nor fresh water ; fire we could keepe none in the Cooke-
roome to dresse any meate, and carefulnesse, griefe, and
our turne at the Pumpe or Bucket, were sufficient to hold
sleepe from our eyes.
And surely Madam, it is most true, there was not any
houre (a matter of admiration) all these dayes, in which we
freed not twelve hundred Barricos of water, the least
whereof contained six gallons, and some eight, besides
three deepe Pumpes continually going, two beneath at the
Capstone, and the other above in the halfe Decke, and at
each Pumpe foure thousand stroakes at the least in a
watch; so as I may well say, every foure houres, we
quitted one hundred tunnes of water : and from tuesday
noone till friday noone, we bailed and pumped two
thousand tunne, and yet doe what we could, when our
Ship held least in her, (after tuesday night second watch)
shee bore ten foote deepe, at which stay our extreame
SIR THOMAS GATES
working kept her one eight glasses, forbearance whereof
had instantly sunke us, and it being now Friday, the fourth
niorning, it wanted little, but that there had bin a generall
determination, to have shut up hatches, and commending
our sinfuU soules to God, committed the Shippe to the
mercy of the Sea: surely, that night we must have done
it, and that night had we then perished : but see the
goodnesse and sweet introduction of better hope, by our
mercifiill God given unto us. Sir George Summers,
when no man dreamed of such happinesse, had discovered,
and cried Land. Indeede the morning now three
quarters spent, had wonne a little cleerenesse from the
dayes before, and it being better surveyed, the very trees
were seene to move with the winde upon the shoare side :
whereupon our Governour commanded the Helme-man
to beare up, the Boateswaine sounding at the first, found
it thirteene fathome, & when we stood a little in seven
fatham; and presently heaving his lead the third time,
had ground at foure fathome, and by this, we had got her
withm a mile under the South-east point of the land,
where we had somewhat smooth water. But having no
hope to save her by comming to an anker in the same, we
were inforced to runne her ashoare, as neere the land as
we could, which brought us within three quarters of a
mile of shoare, and by the mercy of God unto us, making
out our Boates, we had ere night brought all our men,
women, and children, about the number of one hundred
and fifty, safe into the Hand.
We found it to be the dangerous and dreaded Hand, or
rather Hands of the Bermuda : whereof let mee give your
Ladyship a briefe description, before I proceed to my
narration. And that the rather, because they be so terrible
to all that ever touched on them, and such tempests,
thunders, and other fearefuU objects are seene and heard
about them, that they be called commonly. The Devils
Hands, and are feared and avoyded of all sea travellers
alive, above any other place in the world. Yet it pleased
our mercifull God, to make even this hideous and hated
13
A.D.
1609.
Summer
llands
described by
Sir George
Summers.
They go a
land.
Bermuda
llands
supposed the
Divels, i^c.
A.D,
1609.
[IV. ix.
■738.]
Bermuda
Hands
described.
Sir George
Summers
diligent
survey: his
draught which
we have not.
M. Norgate
hath since
published an
exact Map.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
place, both the place of our safetie, and meanes of our
deliverance.
And hereby also, I hope to deliver the world from a
foule and generall errour : it being counted of most, that
they can be no habitation for Men, but rather given over
to Devils and wicked Spirits ; whereas indeed wee find
them now by experience, to bee as habitable and com-
modious as most Countries of the same climate and
situation : insomuch as if the entrance into them were
as easie as the place it selfe is contenting, it had long ere
this beene inhabited, as well as other Hands. Thus shall
we make it appeare. That Truth is the daughter of Time,
and that men ought not to deny every thing which is not
subject to their owne sense.
"^ The Bermudas bee broken Hands, five hundred of them
in manner of an Archipelagus (at least if you may call
them all Hands that lie, how little soever into the Sea,
and by themselves) of small compasse, some larger yet then
other, as time and the Sea hath wonne from them, and
eaten his passage through, and all now lying in the figur©
of a Croissant, within the circuit of sixe or seven leagues
at the most, albeit at first it is said of them that they
were thirteene or fourteene leagues ; and more in longi-
tude as I have heard. For no greater distance is it from
the Northwest Point to Gates his Bay, as by this Map
your Ladyship may see, in which Sir George Summers,
who coasted in his Boat about them all, tooke great care
to expresse the same exactly and full, and made his draught
perfect for all good occasions, and the benefit of such,
who either in distresse might be brought upon them, or
make saile this way.
It should seeme by the testimony of Gonzalus Ferdi-
nandus Oviedus, in his Booke intituled. The Summary
or Abridgement of his generall History of the West
Indies, written to the Emperor Charles the Fift, that they
have beene indeed of greater compasse (and I easily
beleeve it) then they are now, who thus saith : In the
yeere 151 5. when I came first to informe your Majesty
14
SIR THOMAS GATES
A.D.
1609.
of the state of the things in India, and was the yeere
following in Flanders, in the time of your most fortunate
successe in these your kingdomes of Aragony and Casteel,
whereas at that voyage I sayled above the Hand Bermudas,
otherwise called Gorza, being the farthest of all the Hands
that are yet found at this day in the world, and arriving
there at the depth of eight yards * of water, and distant *Orfadams
from the Land as farre as the shot of a Peece of Ordnance, braccia.
I determined to send some of the ship to Land, as well ^?^"^. ^'''
to make search of such things as were there, as also to ^ g ^g
leave in the Hand certaine Hogges for increase, but the reciteth the
time not serving my purpose, by reason of contrary winde '^^e hhtork
I could bring my Ships no neerer : the Hand being twelve »»«« Z'^''^'^"-
leagues in length, and sixteene in breadth, and about ;, l^^J^ ^^^
thirtie in circuit, lying in the thirtie three degrees of the names,Garz.a,
North side. Thus farre hee. of the ship
True it is, the maine Hand, or greatest of them now, ^k^ch first
may bee some sixteene miles in length East North-east, iH^Jl' called
and West South-west the longest part of it, standing in and Bermudez
thirtie two degrees and twentie minutes, in which is a of the Captain
great Bay on the North side, in the North-west end, and "f'^"^ '^'Pi
many broken Hands in that Sound or Bay, and a little "^^^'^J/^^"
round Hand at the South-west end. As occasions were ^^^^ that he
offered, so we gave titles and names to certaine places. placeth it more
These Hands are often afflicted and rent with tempests, '» '^^ North,
great strokes of thunder, lightning and raine in the *^'?*h\
extreamity of violence : which (and it may well bee) hath ^urs inhabited
so sundred and tome downe the Rockes, and whurried y say som- '
whole quarters of Hands into the maine Sea (some sixe, time they see
some seven leagues, and is like in time to swallow them tt,sometimenot
all) so as even in that distance from the shoare there is no "q^l/staniards
small danger of them and with them, of the stormes (^^ / fia^e
continually raging from them, which once in the full and heard) which
change commonly of every Moone (Winter or Summer) ^"'^ wracked
keepe their unchangeable round, and rather thunder then '1^7/ *" .• '
,, *^ & ' , _ Butlers tme,
blow from every corner about them, sometimes rortie thereof opinion
that ours are not the Bermudas : Tea some of ours affirme, they have seen such an Hand
to the North of ours, and have offered to discover it; snb judice lis est; Veritas temporis filia.
15
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
eight houres together : especially if the circle, which the
Halo, the Philosophers call Halo were (in our being there) scene
circle see7i ^kiovA the Moone at any season, which bow indeed
Mm^zrcat appeared there often, and would bee of a mightie com-
compmie passe and breadth. I have not observed it any where one
quarter so great, especially about the twentieth of March,
I saw the greatest when followed upon the eves eve of
the Annuntiation of our Ladie, the mightiest blast of
lightning, and most terrible rap of thunder that ever
astonied mortall men, I thinke. In August, September,
and untill the end of October, wee had very hot and
pleasant weather onely (as I say) thunder, lightning, and
many scattering showers of Raine (which would passe
swiftly over, and yet fall with such force and darknesse
for the time as if it would never bee cleere againe) wee
wanted not any ; and of raine more in Summer then in
Winter, and in the beginning of December wee had great
store of hayle (the sharpe windes blowing Northerly) but
It continued not, and to say truth, it is wintry or summer
weather there, according as those North and North-west
- A- , windes blow. Much taste of this kind of Winter wee
had ; for those cold windes would suddenly alter the ayre :
but when there was no breath of wind to bring the moyst
ayre out of the Seas, from the North and North-west,
wee were rather weary of the heate, then pinched with
extreamitie of cold: Yet the three Winter moneths,
December, January, and February, the winds kept in those
cold corners, and indeed then it was heavy and melancholy
being there, nor were the winds more rough in March,
then in the foresaid moneths, and yet even then would
the Birds breed. I thinke they bredde there, most
monethes in the yeere, in September, and at Christmasse I
saw young Birds, and in Februarie, at which time the
mornings are there (as in May in England) fresh and
sharpe.
Well may the Spaniards, and these Biscani Pilots, with
all their Traders into the Indies, passe by these Hands as
afraid (either bound out or homewards) of their very
16
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
Meridian, and leave the fishing for the Pearle (which some
say, and I beleeve well is as good there, as in any of their
other Indian Hands, and whereof we had some triall) to
such as will adventure for them. The Seas about them [IV. ix.
are so fill of breaches, as with those dangers, they may wel ^739-]
be said to be the strongest situate in the world. I have
often heard Sir George Summers, and Captaine New-
port say, how they have not beene by any chance or
discovery upon their like. It is impossible without great
and perfect knowledge, and search first made of them to
bring in a bable Boat, so much as of ten Tun without
apparant ruine, albeit within there are many faire harbours
for the greatest English Ship : yea, the Argasies of Venice
may ride there with water enough, and safe land-lockt.
There is one onely side that admits so much as hope of
safetie by many a league, on which (as before described)
it pleased God to bring us, wee had not come one man Experience
of us else a shoare, as the weather was : they have beene '*f''* ^"f
ever therefore left desolate and not inhabited. mZVafterue
The soile of the whole Hand is one and the same, the both fir fruits',
mould, dark, red, sandie, dry, and uncapable I beleeve of wormes, l^c.
any of our commodities or fruits. Sir George Summers '^<>'' 'f""
in the beginning of August, squared out a Garden «'^^»""'*
u ^1. .. ^L ^ L • ^ J L r finding more
by the quarter, the quarter being set downe before ,^^ f^^^g
a goodly Bay, upon which our Governour did first which tooke
leape ashoare, and therefore called it (as aforesaid) '^^re Inne or
Gates his Bay, which opened into the East, and into f^j^' .^^'
which the Sea did ebbe and flow, according to their ^ j^nra
tides, and sowed Muske Melons, Pease, Onyons, yeeld a
Raddish, Lettice, and many English seeds, and Kitchen delightsome
Herbes. All which in some ten dales did appeare above Hf'Utl'ough
ground, but whether by the small Birds, of which there be "°f„;J°, ,l,
1- J u T?i- f\\T T certatne as the
many kmdes, or by rlies (Wormes 1 never saw any, nor Sm: for
any venomous thing, as Toade, or Snake, or any creeping which cause I
beast hurtfuU, onely some Spiders, which as many affirme ^"^f "^
are signes of great store of Gold : but they were long and T'"
slender legge Spiders, and whether venomous or no I discoveries.
know not ; I beleeve not, since wee should still find them Sfiders,
XIX 17 B
A.D.
1609.
Beetle very
sweet.
Hogs.
Cedars.
Cedar-dr'mke.
American
Cedars, are
not the same
kind with
those of
Libanus, as by
the historie of
them in our
former Tome,
pag. 1500.
Palmetos.
Many sorts of
Palmes, the
Coco, the
Date-Palme,
the Wine-
Palme, or
tadie, i^c.
besides these
Reed-Palmes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
amongst our linnen in our Chests, and drinking Cans;
but we never received any danger from them : A kind of
Melontha, or blacke Beetell there was, which bruised, gave
a savour like many sweet and strong gums punned
together) whether, I say, hindred by these, or by the con-
dition or vice of the soyle they came to no proofe, nor
thrived. It is like enough that the commodities of the
other Westerne Hands would prosper there, as Vines,
Lemmons, Oranges, and Sugar Canes: Our Governour
made trial! of the later, and buried some two or three in
the Garden mould, which were reserved in the wracke
amongst many which wee carried to plant here in Virginia,
and they beganne to grow, but the Hogs breaking in, both
rooted them up and eate them : there is not through the
whole Hands, either Champion ground. Valleys, or fresh
Rivers. They are full of Shawes of goodly Cedar, fairer
then ours here of Virginia : the Berries, whereof our men
seething, straining, and letting stand some three or foure
dales, made a kind of pleasant drinke : these Berries are
of the same bignesse, and coUour of Corynthes, full of
little stones, and verie restringent or hard building. Peter
Martin saith. That at Alexandria in Egypt there is a kind
of Cedar, which the Jewes dwelling there, affirme to be
the Cedars of Libanus, which beare old fruite and new all
the yeere, being a kinde of Apple which tast like Prunes:
but then, neither those there in the Bermudas, nor ours
here in Virginia are of that happy kind.
Likewise there grow great store of Palme Trees, not
the right Indian Palmes, such as in Saint John Port-Rico
are called Cocos, and are there full of small fruites like
Almonds (of the bignesse of the graines in Pomgranates)
nor of those kind of Palmes which beares Dates, but a
kind of Simerons or wild Palmes in growth, fashion,
leaves, and branches, resembling those true Palmes : for
the Tree is high, and straight, sappy and spongious,
unfirme for any use, no branches but in the uppermost
part thereof, and in the top grow leaves about the head
pf It (the most inmost part whereof they call Palmeto
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
and it is the heart and pith of the same Trunke, so white
and thin, as it will peele off into pleates as smooth and
delicate as white Sattin into twentie folds, in which a man
may write as in paper) where they spread and fall down-
ward about the Tree like an overblowne Rose, or Saffron
flower not early gathered ; so broad are the leaves, as an
Italian Umbrello, a man may well defend his whole body
under one of them, from the greatest storme raine that
falls. For they being stiffe and smooth, as if so many
flagges were knit together, the raine easily slideth off.
Wee oftentimes found growing to these leaves, many Silk- Silke-uiormes.
wormes involved therein, like those small wormes which
Acosta writeth of, which grew in the leaves of the Tunall
Tree, of which being dried, the Indians make their
Cochinile so precious and marchantable. With these
leaves we thatched our Cabbins, and roasting the Palmito
or soft top thereof, they had a taste like fried Melons,
and being sod they eate like Cabbedges, but not so offen-
sively thankefuU to the stomacke. Many an ancient
Burger was therefore heaved at, and fell not for his place,
but for his head : for our common people, whose bellies
never had eares, made it no breach of Charitie in their hot
blouds and tall stomackes to murder thousands of them.
They beare a kind of Berry, blacke and round, as bigge as
a Damson, which about December were ripe and luscious :
being scalded (whilest they are greene) they eate like
Bullases. These Trees shed their leaves in the Winter
moneths, as withered or burnt with the cold blasts of the
North winde, especially those that grow to the Seaward,
and in March, there Burgen new in their roome fresh and
tender.
Other kindes of high and sweet smelling Woods there Other trees.
bee, and divers colovirs, blacke, yellow, and red, and one
which beares a round blew Berry, much eaten by our
owne people, of a stiptick qualitie and rough taste on the
tongue like a Slow to stay or binde the Fluxe, which the
often eating of the luscious Palme berry would bring them [IV. ix.
into, for the nature of sweet things is to dense and dis- ^74°]
19
A.D.
1609.
Prickle -peare.
Waters.
No Springs
then found,
since Wells
have bin there
digged which
ebbe and flow
with the Sea.
i^c.
Fish. C
V
Salt made
there.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
solve. A kinde of Pease of the bignesse and sha^ of a
Katherine Peare, wee found growing upon the Rockes
flill of many sharpe subtill prickes (as a Thistle) which wee
therefore called, The Prickle Peare, the outside greene,
but being opened, of a deepe murrie, full of juyce like a
Mulberry, and just of the same substance and taste, wee
both eate them raw and baked.
^ Sure it is, that there are no Rivers nor running Springs
of fresh water to bee found upon any of them : when wee
came first wee digged and found certaine gushings and
soft bublings, which being either in bottoms, or on the
side of hanging ground, were onely fed with raine water,
which neverthelesse soone sinketh into the earth and
vanisheth away, or emptieth it selfe out of sight into the
Sea, without any channell above or upon the superficies of
the earth : for according as their raines fell, we had our
Wels and Pits (which we digged) either halfe full, or
absolute exhausted and dry, howbeit some low bottoms
(which the continuall descent from the Hills filled fiill, and
in those flats could have no passage away) we found to
continue as fishing Ponds, or standing Poolesj continually
Summer and Winter full of fresh water.
^ The shoare and Bayes round about, when wee landed
first afforded great store of fish, and that of divers kindes,
and good, but it should seeme that our fiers, which wee
maintained on the shoares side drave them from us, so as
wee were in some want, untill wee had made a flat bottome
Gundall of Cedar with which wee put off farther into
the Sea, and then daily hooked great store of many kindes,
as excellent Angell-fish, Salmon Peale, Bonetas, Stingray^
Cabally, Scnappers, Hogge-fish, Sharkes, Dogge-fishj
Pilcherds, Mullets, and Rock-fish, of which bee divers
kindes : and of these our Governour dryed and salted,
and barrelling them up, brought to sea five hundred, for
he had procured Salt to bee made with some Brine, which
happily was preserved, and once having made a little
quantity, he kept three or foure pots boyling, and two or
three men attending nothing else in an house (some little
SIR THOMAS GATES
distance from his Bay) set up on purpose for the same
worke.
Likewise in Furbushers building Bay wee had a large
Sein, or Tramell Net, which our Governour caused to be
made of the Deere Toyles, which wee were to carry to
Virginia, by drawing the Masts more straight and narrow
with Roape Yarne, and which reached from one side of the
Dock to the other : with which (I may boldly say) wee
have taken five thousand of small and great fish at one
hale. As Pilchards, Breames, Mullets, Rocke-fish, &c.
and other kindes for which wee have no names. Wee
have taken also from under the broken Rockes, Crevises
oftentimes greater then any of our best English Lobsters ;
and likewise abundance of Crabbes, Oysters, and Wilkes.
True it is, for Fish in everie Cove and Creeke wee found
Snaules, and Skulles in that abundance, as (I thinke) no
Hand in the world may have greater store or better Fish.
For they sucking of the very water, which descendeth
from the high Hills mingled with juyce and verdor of the
Palmes, Cedars, and other sweet Woods (which likewise
make the Herbes, Roots, and Weeds sweet which grow
about the Bankes) become thereby both fat and wholsome.
As must those Fish needes bee grosse, slimy, and corrupt
the bloud, which feed in Fennes, Marishes, Ditches,
muddy Pooles, and neere unto places where much filth
is daily cast forth. Unsealed Fishes, such as Junius calleth
Molles Pisces, as Trenches, Eele, or Lampries, and such
feculent and dangerous Snakes wee never saw any, nor
may any River bee invenomed with them (I pray God)
where I come. I forbeare to speake what a sort of Whales
wee have seene hard aboard the shoare followed sometime
by the Sword-fish and the Thresher, the sport whereof
was not unpleasant. The Sword-fish, with his sharpe
and needle Finne, pricking him into the belly when hee
would sihke and fall into the Sea ; and when hee startled
upward from his wounds, the Thresher with his large Fins
(hke Flayles) beating him above water. The examples
whereof gives us (saith Oviedus) to understand, that in the
A.D.
i6og.
^ooo. fishes
taken at a
hale.
Cause of their
wholsomnesse.
No unsealed
fishes.
Whale and
Stoord-fish.
Caler-iray
beare the bell
aivay. Medio
sutisimus ibis.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609. . 11
selfe same perill and danger doe men live in this mortal!
life, wherein is no certaine security neither in high estate
nor low.
Fowles. Fowle there is great store, small Birds, Sparrowes fat
and plumpe like a Bunting, bigger then ours, Robbins of
divers colours greene and yellow, ordinary and familiar in
our Cabbins, and other of lesse sort. White and gray
Hernshawes, Bitters, Teale, Snites, Crowes, and Hawkes,
of which in March wee found divers Ayres, Goshawkes
and Tassells, Oxen-birds, Cormorants, Bald-Cootes,
Moore-Hennes, Owles, and Battes in great store. And
upon New-yeeres day in the morning, our Governour
being walked foorth with another Gentleman Master
mid Swans. James Swift, each of them with their Peeces killed a wild
Swanne, in a great Sea-water Bay or Pond in our Hand.
Web-fioted A kinde of webbe-footed Fowle there is, of the bignesse
^Th^' II • f °^ ^^ English greene Plover, or Sea-Meawe, which all the
the^n which S^"!™^"" "^^^ saw not, and in the darkest nights of
it maketh a November and December (for in the night they onely feed)
Cohow. they would come forth, but not flye farre from home,
and hovering in the ayre, and over the Sea, made a strange
hollow and harsh howling. Their colour is inclining to
Russet, with white bellies, (as are likewise the long
Feathers of their wings Russet and White) these gather
themselves together and breed in those Hands which are
high, and so farre alone into the Sea, that the Wilde
[IV. ix. Hogges cannot swimme over them, and there in the
1741-] ground they have their Burrowes, like Conyes in a
Warren, and so brought in the loose Mould, though not
so deepe : which Birds with a light bough in a darke night
(as in our Lowbelling) wee caught. I have beene at the
taking of three hundred in an houre, and wee might have
laden our Boates. Our men found a prettie way to take
them, which was by standing on the Rockes or Sands by
the Sea side, and hollowing, laughing, and making the
strangest out-cry that possibly they could : with the noyse
whereof the Birds would come flocking to that place, and
settle upon the very armes and head of him that so cryed,
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1609.
and still creepe neerer and neerer, answering the noyse
themselves : by which ovir men would weigh them with
their hand, and which weighed heaviest they tooke for the
best and let the others alone, and so ovir men would take
twentie dozen in two houres of the chiefest of them ;
and they were a good and well relished Fowle, fat and fiall
as a Partridge. In January wee had great store of their
Egges, which are as great as an Hennes Egge, and so
fashioned and white shelled, and have no difference in
yolke nor white from an Hennes Egge. There are
thousands of these Birds, and two or three Hands fuU of
their Burrowes, whether at any time (in two houres warn-
ing) wee could send our Cock-boat, and bring home as
many as would serve the whole Company : which Birds
for their blindnesse (for they see weakly in the day) and
for their cry and whooting, wee called the Sea Owle : they
will bite cruelly with their crooked Bills.
Wee had knowledge that there were wilde Hogges upon wild Hogges
the Hand, at first by our owne Swine preserved from the how first
wrack and brought to shoare : for they straying into the -^^^^ ""' """^
Woods, an huge wilde Boare followed downe to our
quarter, which at night was watched and taken in this
sort. One of Sir George Summers men went and lay
among the Swine, when the Boare being come and
groveled by the Sowes, hee put over his hand and rubbed
the side gently of the Boare, which then lay still, by which
meanes hee fastned a rope with a sliding knot to the
hinder legge and so tooke him, and after him in this sort
two or three more. But in the end (a little businesse over)
our people would goe a hunting with our Ship Dogge,
and sometimes bring home thirtie, sometimes fiftie Boares,
Sowes, and Pigs in a weeke alive : for the Dog would
fasten on them and hold, whilest the Hunts-men made in :
and there bee thousands of them in the Hands, and at that
time of the yeere, in August, September, October, and
November, they were well fed with Berries that dropped
from the Cedars and the Palmes, and in our quarter wee
made styes for them, and gathering of these Berries served
23
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609. • 1
them twice aday, by which meanes we kept them m good
plight : and when there was any fret of weather (for upon
every increase of wind the billow would be so great, as it
was no putting out with our Gundall or Canow) that we
could not fish nor take Tortoyses, then wee killed our
I ,- Hogs. But in February when the Palme Berries began
to be scant or dry, and the Cedar Berries failed two
moneths sooner; true it is the Hogs grew poore, and
being taken so, wee could not raise them to be better, for
besides those Berries, we had nothing wherewith to franke
them: but even then the Tortoyses came in againe, of
which wee daily both turned up great store, finding them
on Land, as also sculling after them in our Boate strooke
them with an Iron goad, and sod, baked, and roasted them.
Tortoises. The Tortoyse is reasonable toothsom (some say) whol^
some meate. I am sure our Company liked the meate
of them verie well, and one Tortoyse would goe further
amongst them, then three Hogs. One Turtle (for so we
called them) feasted well a dozen Messes, appointing sixe
to every Messe. It is such a kind of meat, as a man can
neither absolutely call Fish nor Flesh, keeping most what
in the water, and feeding upon Sea-grasse like a Heifer,
in the bottome of the Coves and Bayes, and laying their
Egges (of which wee should finde five hundred at a time
in the opening of a shee Turtle) in the Sand by the shoare
side, and so covering them close leave them to the hatch-
ing of the Sunne, like the Mahati at Saint Dominique,
which made the Spanish Friars (at their first arrivall) make
some scruple to eate them on a Friday, because in colour
and taste the flesh is like to morsells of Veale. Concern-
ing the laying of their Egges, and hatching of their
young, Peter Martyr writeth thus in his Decades of the
Ocean : at such time as the heate of Nature moveth them
to generation, they came forth of the Sea, and making a
deepe pit in the sand, they lay three or foure hundred
Egges therein : when they have thus emptied their bag
of Conception, they put as much of the same againe into
the Pit as may satisfie to cover the Egges, and so resort
24
SIR THOMAS GATES
againe unto the Sea, nothing carefull of their succession.
At the day appointed of Nature to the procreation of
these creatures, there creepeth out a multitude of Tor-
toyses, as it were Pismyers out of an Ant-hill, and this
only by the heate of the Sunne, without any helpe of their
Parents : their Egges are as big as Geese Egges, and
themselves growne to perfection, bigger then great round
Targets.
§. 11.
Actions and Occurrents whiles they continued in
the Hands : Ravens sent for Virginia ; Divers
mutinies ; Paine executed : Two Pinnaces
built.
A.D.
1609.
[IV. ix.
1742.]
Virginia.
O soone as wee were a little setled after our landing,
with all the conveniencle wee might, and as the
place, and our many wants would give us leave,
wee made up our long Boate (as your Ladyship hath
heard) in fashion of a Pinnace, fitting her with a little
Deck, made of the Hatches of our ruin'd ship, so close
that no water could goe in her, gave her Sayles and Oares,
and intreating with our Masters Mate Henry Ravens H. Ravens
(who was supposed a sufficient Pilot) wee found him voyage from
easily wonne to make over therewith, as a Barke of Aviso ^[J^!^ *
for Virginia, which being in the height of thirtie seven
degrees, five degrees from the Hand which we were, might
bee some one hundred and fortie leagues from us, or there-
abouts (reckoning to every degree that lies North-east,
and Westerly twentie eight English leagues) who the
twentie eight of August being Munday, with sixe Saylers,
and our Cape Merchant Thomas Whittingham departed
from us out of Gates his Bay : but to our much wonder
retiu-ned againe upon the Wednesday night after, having
attempted to have got cleere of the Iland, from the North
North-east to the South-west, but could not as little water
as shee drew, (which might not bee above twentie inches)
for shoales and breaches, so as he was faine to go out
25
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
from Summers Creeks, and the same way we came in on
the South South-east of the Hands, and from thence wee
made to Sea the Friday after the first of September, pro-
mising if hee lived and arrived safe there, to returne unto
us the next new Moone with the Pinnace belonging' to
the Colony there : according unto which instructions were
directed unto the new Leiftenant Governour, and Councell
from our Governour here, for which the Hands were
appointed carefully to be watched, and fiers prepared as
Beacons to have directed and wafted him in, but two
Moones were wasted upon the Promontory before men-
tioned, and gave many a long and wished loolce round
about the Horizon, from the North-east to the South-west,
but in vaine, discovering nothing all the while, which way
soever we turned our eye, but ayre and sea.
You may please, excellent Lady, to know the reason
which moved our Governour to dispatch this long Boat,
was the care which hee tooke for the estate of the Colony
in this his inforced absence : for by a long practised
experience, foreseeing and fearing what innovation and
tumult might happily arise, amongst the younger and
ambitious spirits of the new companies to arrive in
Virginia, now comming with him along in this same Fleet,
hee framed his letters to the Colony, and by a particular
Commission confirmed Captaine Peter Win his Lieutenant
Governour, with an Assistance of sixe Counsellours, writ-
ing withall to divers and such Gentlemen of qualitie and
knowledge of vertue, and to such lovers of goodnesse in
this cause whom hee knew, intreating them by giving
examples in themselves of duty and obedience, to assist
likewise the said Lieutenant Governour, against such as
should attempt the innovating of the person (now named
by him) or forme of government, which in some Articles
hee did likewise prescribe unto them : and had faire hopes
all should goe well, if these his letters might arrive there,
untill such time as either some Ship there (which hee
fairely beleeved) might bee moved presently to adventure
for him: or that it should please the right honourable,
26
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
the Lordes, and the rest of his Majesties Councell in
England, to addresse thither the right honoiirable the
Lord Lawar (one of more eminencie and worthinesse) as Caf. Win.
the project was before his comming forth, whilest by their L. Lawane.
honourable favours, a charitable consideration in like p"" ^f^f-
manner might bee taken or our estates to redeeme us ,urvay, and
from hence. For which purpose likewise our Governour other industrle.
directed a particular letter to the Councell in England,
and sent it to the foresaid Captaine Peter Winne (his
now to bee chosen Lieutenant Governour) by him to bee
dispatched (which is the first) from thence into England.
In his absence Sir George Summers coasted the Hands,
and drew the former plat of them, and daily fished, and
hunted for our whok company, untill the seven and
twentieth of November, when then well perceiving that we
were not likely to heare from Virginia, and conceiving
how the Pinnace which Richard Frubbusher was a building
would not be of burthen sufficient to transport all our men
from thence into Virginia (especially considering the
season of the yeare, wherein we were likely to put off) he
consulted with oiw Governour, that if hee might have
two Carpenters (for we had foure, such as they were) and
twenty men, over with him into the maine Hand, he would ,
quickly frame up another little Barke, to second ours, for
the better fitting and conveiance of our people. Our
Governour, with many thankes (as the cause required)
cherishing this so carefuU and religious consideration in
him (and whose experience likewise was somewhat in these
affaires) granted him all things sutable to his desire, and
to the furthering of the worke : who therefore had made
ready for him all such tooles and instruments, as our owne fje builds a
use required not : and for him, were drawne forth twenty Pinnace.
of the ablest and stoutest of the company, and the best of
our men, to hew and square timber, when himselfe then,
with daily paines and labour, wrought upon a small Vessell, [IV. ix.
which was soone ready as ours: at which wee leave him '743-]
a while busied, and returne to our selves. In the meane
space did one Frubbusher, borne at Graves end, and at his
27
A.D.
1609.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Power of
example.
comming forth now dwelling at Lime House (a painefull
and well experienced Shipwright, and skilfuU workman)
R.Frubbusher labour the building of a little Pinnace : for the furtherance
builds another, of which, the Governour dispensed with no travaile of
his body, nor forbare any care or study of minde, per-
swading (as much and more, an ill qualified parcell of
people, by his owne performance, then by authority, thereby
to hold them at their worke, namely to fell, carry, and
sawe Cedar, fit for the Carpenters purpose (for what was
so meane, whereto he would not himselfe set his hand,
being therefore up earely and downe late ?) yet neverthe-
lesse were they hardly drawne to it, as the Tortoise to the
inchantment, as the Proverbe is, but his owne presence
and hand being set to every meane labour, and imployed
so readily to every office, made our people at length more
diligent, and willing to be called thereunto, where, they
should see him before they came. In which, we may
observe how much example prevailes above precepts, and
how readier men are to be led by eyes, then eares.
And sure it was happy for us, who had now runne this
fortune, and were fallen into the bottome of this misery,
that we both had our Governour with us, and one so
solicitous and carefuU, whose both example (as I said)
and authority, could lay shame, and command^ upon our
people : else, I am perswaded, we had most of us finished
our dayes there, so willing were the major part of the
common sort (especially when they found such a plenty of
victuals) to settle a foundation of ever inhabiting there;
as well appeared by many practises of theirs (and perhaps
of some of the better sort) Loe, what are our affections
and passions, if not rightly squared ? how irreligious, and
irregular they expresse us? not perhaps so ill as we would
be, but yet as wee are; some dangerous and secret dis-
contents nourished amongst us, had like to have bin the
parents of bloudy issues and mischiefes ; they began first
in the Sea-men, who in time had fastened unto them (by
false baits) many of our land-men likewise, and some of
whom (for opinion of their Religion) was carried an extra-
'V-
Mutlnous
conceptions.
28
SIR THOMAS GATES ad
1609.
ordinary and good respect. The Angles wherewith
chiefely they thus hooked in these disquieted Pooles, were,
how that in Virginia, nothing but wretchednesse and labour
must be expected, with many wants, and a churlish
intreaty, there being neither that Fish, Flesh, nor Fowle,
which here (without wasting on the one part, or watching
on theirs, or any threatning, and are of authority) at ease,
and pleasure might be in joyed : and since both in the
one, and the other place, they were (for the time) to loose
the fruition both of their friends and Countrey, as good,
and better were it for them, to repose and seate them where
they should have the least outward wants the while. This,
thus preached, and published each to other, though by
such who never had bin more onward towards Virginia,
then (before this Voyage) a Sculler could happily rowe
him (and what hath a more adamantive power to draw
unto it the consent and attraction of the idle, untoward,
and wretched number of the many, then liberty, and
fiilnesse of sensuality?) begat such a murmur, and such
a discontent, and disunion of hearts and hands from this
labour, and forwarding the meanes of redeeming us from
hence, as each one wrought with his Mate how to divorse
him from the same.
And first (and it was the first of September) a con- Conspiracy,
spiracy was discovered, of which six were found principals,
who had promised each unto the other, not to set their
hands to any travaile or endeavour which might expedite
or forward this Pinnace : and each of these had severally
(according to appointment) sought his opportunity to draw
the Smith, and one of our Carpenters, Nicholas Bennit,
who made much profession of Scripture, a mutinous and
dissembling Imposter ; the Captaine, and one of the chiefe
perswaders of others, who afterwards brake from" the
society of the Colony, and like outlawes retired into the
Woods, to make a settlement and habitation there, on
their party, with whom they purposed to leave our
Quarter, and possesse another Hand by themselves : but
this happily found out, they were condemned to the same
29
A.D.
1609.
John Wont,y
Carter, r^
and others
exiled and
pardoned.
[IV. ix.
1 74+-]
Another
Mutinie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
punishment which they would have chosen (but without
Smith or Carpenter) and to an Hand farre by it selte, they
were carried, and there left. Their names were John
Want, the chiefe of them, an Essex man of Newport by
Saffronwalden, both seditious, and a sectary in pomts of
Religion, in his owne prayers much devout and frequent,
but hardly drawne to the publique, insomuch as being
suspected by our Minister for a Brownist, he was often
compelled to the common Liturgie and forme of Prayer.
The rest of the confederates were Christopher Carter,
Francis Pearepoint, William Brian, William Martin,
Richard Knowles: but soone they missed comfort (who
were farre removed from our store) besides, the society
of their acquaintance had wrought in some of them, if not
a loathsomenesse of their offence, yet a sorrow that their
complement was not more full, and therefore a wearinesse
of their being thus untimely prescribed; insomuch, as
many humble petitions were sent unto our Governor,
fraught full of their seeming sorrow and repentance, and
earnest vowes to redeeme the former trespasse, with
example of dueties in them all, to the common cause, and
generall businesse ; upon which our Governour (not easie
to admit any accusation, and hard to remit an offence, but
at all times sorry in the punishment of him, in whom may
appeare either shame or contrition) was easily content to
reacknowledge them againe.
Yet could not this be any warning to others, who more
subtilly began to shake the foundation of our quiet safety,
and therein did one Stephen Hopkins commence the first
act or overture : A fellow who had much knowledge in the
Scriptures, and could reason well therein, whom our
Minister therefore chose to be his Clarke, to reade the
Psalmes, and Chapters upon Sondayes, at the assembly
of the Congregation under him: who in January the
twenty foure, brake with one Samuel Sharpe and Humfrey
Reede (who presently discovered it to the Governour). and
alleaged substantiall arguments, both civill and divine (the
Scripture falsly quoted) that it was no breach of honesty.
30
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
conscience, nor Religion, to decline from the obedience of
the Governour, or refuse to goe any further, led by his
authority (except it so pleased themselves) since the
authority ceased when the wracke was committed, and with
it, they were all then freed from the government of any
man ; and for a matter of Conscience, it was not unknowne Conscience
to the meanest, how much we were therein bound each greatest enemy
one to provide for himselfe, and his owne family : for '" ">^'"'^"-
which were two apparant reasons to stay them even in
this place; first, abundance by Gods providence of all
manner of good foode: next, some hope in reasonable
time, when they might grow weary of the place, to build a
small Barke, with the skill and helpe of the aforesaid
Nicholas Bennit, whom they insinuated to them, albeit hee
was now absent from his quarter, and working in the
maine Hand with Sir George Summers upon his Pinnace,
to be of the conspiracy, that so might get cleere from hence
at their owne pleasures : when in Virginia, the first would
be assuredly wanting, and they might well feare to be
detained in that Countrie by the authority of the Com-
mander thereof, and their whole life to serve the turnes of
the Adventurers, with their travailes and labours. This
being thus laid, and by such a one, who had gotten an
opinion (as I before remembred) of Religion ; when it
was declared by those two accusers, not knowing what
further ground it had or complices, it pleased the
Governour to let this his factious offence to have a
publique affront, and contestation by these two witnesses
before the whole Company, who (at the toling of a Bell)
assemble before a Corps du guard, where the Prisoner
was brought forth in manacles, and both accused, and
suffered to make at large, to every particular, his answere ;
which was onely full of sorrow and teares, pleading
simplicity, and deniall. But hee being onely found, at
this time, both the Captaine, and the follower of this
Mutinie, and generally held worthy to satisfie the punish- ^^f^"
ment of his offence, with the sacrifice of his life, our condemned and
Governour passed the sentence of a Martiall Court upon pardoned.
31
A.D.
1609
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
him, such as belongs to Mutinie and RebeUion. But so
penitent hee was, and made so much moane, alleadging
the ruine of his Wife and Children in this his trespasse,
as it wrought in the hearts of all the better sort of the
Company, who therefore with humble intreaties, and
earnest supplications, went unto our Governor, whom they
besought (as likewise did Captaine Newport, and my selfe)
and never left him untill we had got his pardojj.
V,, In these dangers and divellish disquiets (whilest the
^ almighty God wrought for us, and sent us miraculously
delivered from the calamities of the Sea, all blessings upon
the shoare, to content and binde us to gratefulnesse) thus
inraged amongst our selves, to the destruction each of
other, into what a mischiefe and misery had wee bin given
up, had wee not had a Governour with his authority, to
have suppressed the same? Yet was there a worse
Third practise, faction, and conjuration a foote, deadly and
Mutiny, bloudy, in which the life of our Governour, with many
others were threatned, and could not but miscarry in his
fall. But such is ever the will of God (who in the execu-
tion of his judgements, breaketh the firebrands upon the
head of him, who first kindleth them) there were, who
conceived that our Governour indeede neither durst, nor
had authority to put in execution, or passe the act of
Justice upon any one, how treacherous or impious so ever ;
their owne opinions so much deceiving them for the
unlawfulnesse of any act, which they would execute:
daring to justifie among themselves, that if they should
be apprehended, before the performance, they should
happily suffer as Martyrs. They persevered therefore not
onely to draw unto them such a number, and associates as
they could worke in to the abandoning of our Governour,
and to the inhabiting of this Hand. They had now pur-
posed to have made a surprise of the Store-house, and to
have forced from thence, what was therein either of Meale,
Cloath, Cables, Armes, Sailes, Oares or what else it pleased
God that we had recovered from the wracke, and was to
serve our generall necessity and use, either for the reliefe
32
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1609.
of us, while wee staied here, or for the carrying of us from
this place againe, when our Pinnace should have bin
furnished.
But as all giddy and lawlesse attempts, have alwayes Evill, as it
something of imperfection, and that as well by the porperty fiiih 0
of the action, which holdeth of disobedience and rebellion ^fi»'"'""'''^
(both fiill of feare) as through the ignorance of the devisers ^^^^^ ,^^
themselves ; so in this (besides those defects) there were effects, defects
some of the association, who not strong inough fortified are found.
in their owne conceits, brake from the plot it selfe, and
(before the time was ripe for the execution thereof) dis-
covered the whole order, and every Agent, and Actor
thereof, who neverthelesse were not suddenly appre-
hended, by reason the confederates were divided and
seperated in place, some with us, and the chiefe with Sir
George Summers in his Hand (and indeede all his whole
company) but good watch passed upon them, every man
from thenceforth commanded to weare his weapon, without [IV. ix.
which before, we freely walked from quarter to quarter, i745-]
and conversed among our selves, and every man advised
to stand upon his guard, his owne life not being in safety,
whitest his next neighbour was not to be trusted. The
Centinels, and nightwarders doubled, the passages of both
the quarters were carefiiUy observed, by which meanes
nothing was further attempted ; untill a Gentleman
amongst them, one Henry Paine, the thirteenth of March, H- Paine his
full of mischiefe, and every houre preparing something or ^^''""^
other, stealing Swords, Adises, Axes, Hatchets, Sawes,
Augers, Planes, Mallets, &c. to make good his owne bad
end, his watch night comming about, and being called by
the Captaine of the same, to be upon the guard, did not
onely give his said Commander evill language, but
strucke at him, doubled his blowes, and when hee
was not suffered to close with him, went off the
Guard, scoffing at the double diligence and attend-
ance of the Watch, appointed by the Governour for
much purpose, as hee said : upon which, the Watch
telling him, if the Governour should understand of this
XIX 33 c
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
his insolency, it might turne him to much blame, and
happily be as much as his life were worth. The said
Paine replyed with a setled and bitter violence, and in such
unreverent tearmes, as I should offend the modest eare
too much to expresse it in his owne phrase; but the
contents were, how that the Governour had no authoritie
of that qualitie, to justifie upon any one (how meane
soever in the Colonie) an action of that nature, and there-
fore let the Governour (said hee) kisse, &c. Which words,
being with the omitted additions, brought the next day
unto every common and publique discourse, at length they
were delivered over to the Governour, who examining
well the fact (the transgression so much the more
exemplary and odious, as being in a dangerous time, in
a Confederate, and the successe of the same wishtly
listened after, with a doubtfuU conceit, what might be the
issue of so notorious a boldnesse and impudency) calling
the said Paine before him, and the whole Company, where
(being soone convinced both by the witnesse, of the
Commander, and many which were upon the watch with
him) our Governour, who had now the eyes of the whole
Colony fixed upon him, condemned him to be instantly
hanged ; and the ladder being ready, after he had made
many confessions, hee earnestly desired, being a Gentle-
man, that hee might be shot to death, and towards the
His execution, evening he had his desire, the Sunne and his life setting
together.
But for the other which were with Sir George, upon the
Sunday following (the Barke beeing now in good forward-
nesse) and readie to lanch in short time, from that place
(as we supposed) to meet ours at a pond of fresh water,
where they were both to bee mored, untill such time as
being fully tackled, the wind should serve faire, (for our
putting to Sea together) being the eighteenth of March,
hearing of Paynes death, and fearing hee had appeached
them, and discovered the attempt (who poore Gentleman
therein, in so bad a cause, was too secret and constant to
his owne faith ingaged unto them, and as little needed,
34
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1609.
as urged thereunto, though somewhat was voluntarily
delivered by him) by a mutuall consent forsooke their
labour, and Sir George Summers, and like Out-lawes Diven of Sir
betooke them to the wild Woods : whether meere rage, G. Summers
and greedinesse after some little Pearle (as it was thought) "^^^^^^'J^^
wherewith they conceived they should for ever inrich
themselves, and saw how to obtaine the same easily in
this place, or whether, the desire for ever to inhabite heere,
or what other secret else moved them thereunto, true it is,
they sent an audacious and formall Petition to our
Governour, subscribed with all their names and Seales :
not only intreating him, that they might stay heere, but
(with great art) importuned him, that he would performe
other conditions with them, and not wave, nor evade from
some of his owne promises, as namely to furnish each of
them with two Sutes of Apparell, and contribute Meale
rateably for one whole yeere, so much among them, as
they had weekly now, which was one pound and an halfe
a weeke (for such had beene our proportion for nine
moneths). Our Governour answered this their Petition,
writing to Sir George Summers to this effect.
That true it was, at their first arrivall upon this Hand, Sir T. Gates
when it was feared how our meanes would not extend to his letter to Sir
the making of a Vessell, capeable and large enough, to ^" 5«»^'"*''^-
transport all our Countrimen at once, indeed out of his
Christian consideration (mourning for such his Countri-
men, who comming under his command, he foresaw that
for a while, he was like enough to leave here behind,
compelled by tyrannie of necessitie) his purpose was not
yet to forsake them so, as given up like Savages : but to
leave them all things fitting to defend them from want
and wretchednesse, as much at least as lay in his power, to
spare from the present use (and perhaps necessitie of others,
whose fortunes should be to be transported with him) for
one whole yeere or more (if so long by any casualtie, the
ships which he would send unto them might be staied
before their arrivall, so many hazards accompanying the
Sea) but withall intreated Sir George to remember unto his
35
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1609.
Company (if by any meanes he CQuld learne where they
were) how he had vowed unto him, that if either his owne
meanes, his authoritie in Virginia, or love with his friends
in England, could dispatch for them sooner, how farre it
was from him, to let them remayne abandoned, and
neglected without their redemption so long : and then
proceeded, requesting Sir George Summers againe, to
signifie unto them, since now our owne Pinnasse did arise
to that burthen, and that it would sufficiently transport
them all, beside the necessitie of any other Barke : and yet,
that since his Barke was now readie too, that those con-
sultations, howsoever charitable and most passionate in
[IV. ix. themselves, might determine, as taken away thereby, and
'746- .therefore, that he should now bee pleased to advise them
well, how unanswerable this grant or consent of his should
be : first, to his Majestic for so many of his subjects, next
to the Adventurers, and lastly, what an imputation
and infamy it might be, to both their owne proper
reputations, and honours, having each of them authoritie
in their places, to compell the adversant and irregular
multitude, at any time, to what should bee obedient
and honest, which if they should not execute, the
blame would not lye upon the people (at all times
wavering and insolent) but upon themselves so weake
and unworthy in their command. And moreover in-
treated him by any secret practice to apprehend them,
smce that the obstinate, and precipitate many, were no
more in such a condition and state to bee favoured, then
the murmuring and mutinie of such Rebellious and
turbulent Humorists, who had not conscience nor know-
ledge, to draw in the yoke of goodnesse, and in the busi-
nesse for which they were sent out of England : for which
likewise, at the expence and charge of the Adventurers,
they were to him committed, and that the meanest in the
whole Fleet stood the Company in no lesse then twentie
pounds, for his owne personall Transportation, and things
necessary to accompany him. And therefore lovingly
conjured Sir George, by the worthinesse of his (heretofore)
36
SIR THOMAS GATES
well mayntayned reputation, and by the powers of his
owne judgement, and by the vertue of that ancient love
and friendship, which had these many yeeres beene setled
betweene them, to doe his best, to give this revolted Com-
pany (if he could send unto them) the consideration of
these particulars, and so worke with them Hf he might)
that by faire meanes (the Mutinie reconciled) they would
at length survey their owne errours, which hee would bee
as readie, upon their rendring and comming into pardon,
as he did now pittie them ; assuring them in generall
and particular, that whatsoever they had sinisterly com-
mitted, or practised hitherto against the Lawes of dutie
and honestie, should not in any sort be imputed against
them.
In which good Office Sir George Summers did so nobly
worke, and heartily labour, as hee brought most of them
in, and indeed all, but Christopher Carter, and Robert
Waters, who (by no meanes) would any more come
amongst Sir Georges men, hearing that Sir George had
commanded his men indeed (since they would not be
intreated by faire meanes) to surprize them (if they could)
by any device or force. From which time they grew so
cautelous and wary, for their owne ill, as at our comming
away, wee were faine to leave them behind. That Waters
was a Sayler, who at his first landing upon the Hand (as
after you shall heare) killed another feUow Sayler of his,
the bodie of the murthered and Murtherer so dwelling,
as prescribed now together.
During our time of abode upon these Hands, wee had
daily every Sunday two Sermons preached by our Minister,
besides every Morning and Evening at the ringing of a
Bell, wee repayred all to publique Prayer, at what time
the names of our whole Company were called by Bill,
and such as were wanting, were duly punished.
The contents (for the most part) of all our Preachers
Sermons, were especially of Thankefulnesse and Unitie,
&c.
It pleased God also to give us opportunitie, to performe
37
A.D.
1609.
Waters and
Carter stand
out and are
left behind.
Religious
exercises
performed by
MasterBucke.
A.D.
1609.
The most holy
civill and most
waturall pos-
session taken of
the Bermttdas
by exercise of
Sacraments
Marriage,
Child-birth,
^c.
Children
named
Bermuda and
Bermudas.
Saylers
misorder.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
all the other Offices, and Rites of our Christian Profession
in this Hand : as Marriage, for the sixe and twentieth of
November, we had one of Sir George Summers his men,
his Cooke, named Thomas Powell, who married a Maid
Servant of one Mistris Horton, whose name was
Elizabeth Persons: and upon Christmasse Eve, as also
once before, the first of October ; our Minister preached
a godly Sermon, which being ended, he celebrated a Com-
munion, at the partaking whereof our Governour was, and
the greatest part of oiu: Company : and the eleventh of
February, wee had the childe of one John Rose christened
a Daughter, to which Captaine Newport and my selfe
were Witnesses, and the aforesaid Mistris Horton and we
named it Bermuda, as also the five and twentieth of March,
the wife of one Edward Eason, being delivered the weeke
before of a Boy, had him then christened, to which
Captaine Newport and my selfe, and Master James Swift
were Godfathers, and we named it Bermudas.
Likewise, we buried five of our company, JefFery
Briars, Richard Lewis, William Hitchman, and my
God-daughter Bermuda Rolfe, and one untimely Edward
Samuell a Sayler, being villanously killed by the foresaid
Robert Waters, (a Sayler likewise) with a shovell, who
strake him therewith under the lift of the Eare, for
which he was apprehended, and appointed to be hanged
the next day, (the fact being done in the twilight)
but being bound fast to a Tree all night, with many
Ropes, and a Guard of five or six to attend him, his
fellow Saylers (watching the advantage of the Centinels
sleeping) in despight and disdaine that Justice should bee
shewed upon a Sayler, and that one of their crue should
be an example to others, not taking into consideration, the
unmanlinesse of the murther, nor the horror of the sinne,
they cut his bands, and conveyed him into the Woods,
where they fed him nightly, and closely, who afterward
by the mediation of Sir George Summers, upon many
conditions, had his tryall respited by our Governour.
Wee had brought our Pinnasse so forward by this time,
38
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1610.
as the eight and twentieth of August we having laid her
Keele. The sixe and twentieth of February, we now
began to calke: old Cables we had preserved unto us,
which afFoorded Ocam enough : and one barreU of Pitch,
and another of Tarre, we likewise saved, which served our
use some little way upon the Bilg, wee breamed her other-
wise with Lime made of Wilke-shels, and an hard white
stone which we burned in a Kill, slaked with fresh water, [iv. ix.
and tempered with Tortoyses Oyle. The thirtieth of i747-]
March being Friday, we towed her out in the morning
Spring-tyde, from the Wharfe where she was built, boying
her with foure Caske in her runne only : which opened
into the North-west, and into which when the Breeze
stood North and by West with any stiffe gale, and upon
the Spring-tydes, the Sea would increase with that violence,
especially twice it did so, as at the first time (before our
Governour had caused a solid Causey of an hundred load
of stone to bee brought from the Hils and Neighbour
Rockes, and round about her ribs from stemme to stemme,
where it made a pointed Baulke, and thereby brake the
violence of the Flowe and Billowe) it indangered her over-
throw and ruine, beeing greene as it were upon the
Stockes. With much difficultie, diligence, and labour, we
saved her at the first, aU her Bases, Shores, and Piles, which
under-set her, being almost carried from her, which was
the second of January, when her knees were not set to,
nor one joynt firme : We launched her unrigged, to carrie
her to a little round Hand, lying West North-west, and
close aboord to the backe side of our Hand, both neerer
the Ponds and Wels of some fresh water, as also from
thence to make our way to the Sea the better : the Channell
being there sufficient and deepe enough to leade her forth,
when her Masts, Sayles, and all her Trimme should bee
about her. Shee was fortie foot by the Keele, and nine-
teene foot broad at the Beame, sixe foote floore, her Rake
forward was fourteene foot, her Rake aft from the top of
her Post (which was twelve foot long) was three foot,
shee was eight foot deepe under her Beame, betweene her
39
A.D.
l6lO.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Cedar ill for
shipping.
Deckes she was foure foot and an halfe, with a rising of
halfe a foot more under her fore Castle, of purpose to
scowre the Decke with small shot, if at any time wee
should bee horded by the Enemie. Shee had a fall of
eighteene inches aft, to make her sterage and her great
Cabbin the more large : her sterage was five foote long,
and sixe foote high, with a close Gallerie right aft, with a
window on each side, and two right aft. The most part
of her timber was Cedar, which we found to be bad for
shipping, for that it is wonderous false inward, and besides
it is so spault or brickie, that it will make no good plankes,
her Beames were all Oke of our ruine ship, and some
plankes in her Bow of Oke, and all the rest as is aforesaid.
When shee began to swimme (upon her launching) our
Governour called her The Deliverance, and shee might be
some eighty tunnes of burthen.
Before we quitted our old quarter, and dislodged to
the fresh water with our Pinnasse, our Governour set
up in Sir George Summers Garden a faire Muemosynon
in figure of a Crosse, made of some of the timber
of our ruined shippe, which was scrued in with strong
and great trunnels to a mightie Cedar, which grew in
the middest of the said Garden, and whose top and
upper branches he caused to be lopped, that the
violence of the winde and weather might have the lesse
power over her.
In the middest of the Crosse, our Governour fastened
^tlty"*'" the Picture of his Majestie in a piece of Silver of twelve
pence, and on each side of the Crosse, hee set an
Inscription graven in Copper, in the Latine and English
to this purpose.
In memory of our great deliverance, both from a.
mightie storme and leake : wee have set up this to the
honour of God. It is the spoyle of an English ship,
(of three hundred tunne) called the Sea Venture, bound
with seven ships more (from which the storme divided
us) to Virginia, or Nova Britania, in America. In it
were two Knights, Sir Thomas Gates Knight, Governour
40
Crosse set up
for a memorial.
Picture.
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
i6io.
of the English Forces and Colonic there : and Sir George
Summers Knight, Admirall of the Seas. Her Captaine
was Christopher Newport, Passengers and Mariners shee
had beside (which came all safe to Land) one hundred
and fiftie. We were forced to runne her ashore (by
reason of her leake) under a Point that bore South-east
from the Northerne Point of the Hand, which wee
discovered first the eight and twentieth of July 1609.
About the last of Aprill, Sir George Summers
launched his Pinnasse, and brought her from his building
Bay, in the Mayne Hand, into the Channell where ours
did ride, and shee was by the Keele nine and twentie
foot: at the Beame fifteene foot and an halfe: at the
Loofe fourteene, at the Trausam nine, and she was
eight foote deepe, and drew sixe foote water, and hee
called her the Patience.
§. III.
Their departure from Bermuda and arrivall in
Virginia : miseries there, departure and returne
upon the Lord La Warres arriving. James
Towne described.
Rom this time we only awaited a favourable
Westerly wind to carrie us forth, which longer
then usuall now kept at the East, and South-east,
the way which wee were to goe. The tenth of May
early, Sir George Summers and Captaine Newport went
off with their long Boates, and with two Canoaes boyed
the Channell, which wee were to leade it out in, and
which was no broader from Shoales on the one side
and Rockes on the other, then about three times the [IV. ix.
length of our Pinnasse. About ten of the docke, that 1748-]
day being Thursday, we set sayle an easie gale, the wind
at South, and by reason no more winde blew, we were
faine to towe her with our long Boate, yet neither with
the helpe of that, were we able to fit our Bowyes, but
even when we came just upon them, we strucke a Rocke
41
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610,
on the starboord side, over which the Bowye rid, and
had it not beene a soft Rocke, by which meanes she bore
it before her, and crushed it to pieces, God knowes we
might have beene like enough, to have returned anew,
and dwelt there, after tenne monethes of carefulnesse
and great labour a longer time: but God was more
mercifuU unto us. When shee strucke upon the Rocke,
the Cock-swayne one Walsingham beeing in the Boate
with a quicke spirit (when wee were all amazed, and
our hearts failed) and so by Gods goodnesse wee led
it out at three fadome, and three fadome and an halfe
water. The wind served us easily all that day and the
next, when (God be ever praysed for it) to the no
little joy of us all, we got cleere of the Hands. After
which holding a Southerly course, for seven dayes wee
had the winde sometimes faire, and sometimes scarce
and contrarie : in which time we lost Sir George Summers
twice, albeit we still spared him our mayne top-sayle,
and sometimes our fore course too.
Signe of The seventeenth of May we saw change of water,
Land. ^^^ ]^^^ much Rubbish swimme by our ship side,
whereby wee knew wee were not farre from Land. The
eighteenth about midnight wee sounded, with the Dipsing
Lead, and found thirtie seven fadome. The nineteenth
in the morning we sounded, and had nineteene and an
halfe fadome, stonie, and sandie ground. The twentieth
about midnight, we had a marvellous sweet smell from
the shoare (as from the Coast of Spaine, short of the
Straits) strong and pleasant, which did not a little glad
us. In the morning by day breake (so soone as one
might well see from the fore-top) one of the Saylers
descryed Land about an houre after, I went up and
might discover two Hummockes to the Southward, from
which (Northward all along) lay the Land, which wee
were to Coast to Cape Henrie. About seven of the
clocke we cast forth an Anchor, because the tyde (by
reason of the Freshet that set into the Bay) made a
strong Ebbe there, and the winde was but easie, so as
42
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
not beeing able to stemme the Tyde, we purposed to
lye at an Anchor untill the next flood, but the wind
comming South-west a loome gale about eleven, we set
sayle againe, and having got over the Barre, bore in for
the Cape.
This is the famous Chesipiacke Bay, which wee have Chesifiack
caUed (in honour of our young Prince) Cape Henrie ^"h
over against which within the Bay, lyeth another Head-
land, which wee called in honour of our Princely Duke
of Yorke Cape Charles; and these lye North-east and
by East, and South-west and by West, and they may
bee distant each from the other in breadth seven leagues,
betweene which the Sea runnes in as broad as betweene
Queeneburrough and Lee. Indeed it is a goodly Bay
and a fairer, not easily to be found.
The one and twentieth, beeing Munday in the
morning, wee came up within two miles of Point
Comfort, when the Captaine of the Fort discharged a
warning Peece at us, whereupon we came to an Anchor,
and sent off our long Boat to the Fort, to certifie who
we were ; by reason of the shoales which lye on the
South-side, this Fort easily commands the mouth of
the River, albeit it is as broad as betweene Greenwich,
and the He of Dogges.
True it is, such who talked with our men from the
shoare, delivered how safely all our ships the last
yeere (excepting only the Admirall, and the little
Pinnasse in which one Michael Philes commanded of
some twentie tunne, which we towed a sterne till the
storme blew) arrived, and how our people (well increased)
had therefore builded this Fort ; only wee could not
learne any thing of our long Boat, sent from the
Bermudas, but what wee gathered by the Indians them-
selves, especially from Powhatan, who would tell our
men of such a Boat landed in one of his Rivers, and
would describe the people, and make much scoffing sport
thereat: by which wee have gathered, that it is most
likely, how it arrived upon our Coast, and not meeting
43
A.D.
l6lO.
The long Boat
sent by Ravens
cast away.
Algermone
Fort.
M. George
Percy.
Miserable
shezves of
welcome.
[IV. ix.
1 749-]
Old Patent
yeelded up.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
with our River were taken at some time or other, at
some advantage by the Savages, and so cut ofF. When
our SkifFe came up againe, the good newes of our ships,
and mens arrivall the last yeere, did not a little glad our
Governour : who went soone ashoare, and assoone (contrary
to all our faire hopes) had new unexpected, uncomfortable,
and heavie newes of a worse condition of our people
above at James Towne.
Upon Point Comfort our men did the last yeere (as
you have heard) rayse a little Fortification, which since
hath beene better perfected, and is likely to proove a
strong Fort, and is now kept by Captaine James Davies
with forty men, and hath to name Algernoone Fort, so
called by Captaine George Percy, whom we found at ,
our arrivall President of the Colony, and at this time
like-wise in the Fort. When we got into the Point,
which was the one and twentieth of May, being Munday
about noone; where riding before an Indian Towne
called Kecoughton, a mightie storme of Thunder,
Lightning, and Raine, gave us a shrewd and fearefull
welcome.
From hence , in two dayes (only by the helpe of
Tydes, no winde stirring) wee plyed it sadly up the
River, and the three and twentieth of May we cast
Anchor before James Towne, where we landed, and
our much grieved Governour first visiting the Church
caused the Bell to be rung, at which (all such as were
able to come forth of their houses) repayred to Church
where our Minister Master Bucke made a zealous and
sorrowfuU Prayer, finding all things so contrary to
our expectations, so full of misery and misgovernment.
After Service our Governour caused mee to reade
his Commission, and Captaine Percie (then President)
delivered up unto him his Commission, the old Patent
and the Councell Seale. Viewing the Fort, we found
the Pallisadoes torne downe, the Ports open, the Gates
from off the hinges, and emptie houses (which Owners
death had taken from them) rent up and burnt, rather
44
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
then the dwellers would step into the Woods a stones
cast off from them, to fetch other fire-wood : and it
is true, the Indian killed as fast without, if our men Their miseries
stirred but beyond the bounds of their Block-house, »»f'«>'^- Ip"
as Famine and Pestilence did within ; with many more "'/""ff
particularities or their surrerances (brought upon them
by their owne disorders the last yeere) then I have
heart to expresse. In this desolation and misery our
Governour found the condition and state of the Colonie,
and (which added more to his griefe) no hope how
to amend it or save his owne Company, and those yet
remayning alive, from falling into the like necessities.
For we had brought from the Bermudas no greater
store of provision (fearing no such accidents possible
to befall the Colony here) then might well serve one
hundred and fiftie for a Sea Voyage : and it was not
possible, at this time of the yeere to amend it, by any
helpe fi-om the Indian. For besides that they (at their
best) have little more, then from hand to mouth, it
was now likewise but their Seed-time, and all their
Corne scarce put into the ground : nor was there at
the Fort, (as they whom we found related unto us) any
meanes to take fish, neither sufficient Seine, nor other
convenient Net, and yet if there had, there was not
one eye of Sturgeon yet come into the River. All
which considered, it pleased our Governour to make
a Speech unto the Company, giving them to understand,
that what provision he had, they should equally share
with him, and if he should find it not possible, and
easie to supply them with some thing from the Countrey,
by the endevours of his able men, hee would make
readie, and transport them all into their Native Countrey
(accommodating them the best that he could) at which
there was a generall acclamation, and shoute of joy on
both sides, for even our owne men began to be dis-
heartened and faint, when- they saw this misery amongst
the others, and no lesse threatned unto themselves. In
the meane while, our Governour published certaine
45
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Orders estab- Orders and Instructions, which hee enjoyned them
lished which strictly to observe, the time that hee should stay amongst
'thek"t^"^ them, which being written out faire, were set up upon
stay:' the » post in the Church for every one to take notice of.
farticulers are If I should be examined from whence, and by what
here omitted, occasion, all these disasters, and afflictions descended
They con- ^^on our people, I can only referre you (honoured
Preface and Ladie) to the Booke, which the Adventurers have sent
21. Articles hither intituled, Advertisements unto the Colony in
for Pietie, Virginia : wherein the ground and causes are favourably
Loyaltie and abridged, from whence these miserable effects have beene
venient to the produced, not excusing likewise the forme of govern-
Colonie. ment of some errour, which was not powerfuU enough
among so headie a multitude, especially, as those who
arrived here in the supply sent the last yeere with us :
with whom the better authoritie and government now
changed into an absolute command, came along, and
had beene as happily established, had it pleased God,
that we with them had reached our wished Harbour.
Unto such calamity can sloath, riot, and vanity, bring
the most setled and plentifuU estate. Indeede (right
noble Lady) no story can remember unto us, more
woes and anguishes, then these people, thus governed,
have both suffered and puld upon their owne heads.
Men blamed. And yet true it is, some of them, whose voyces and
''counlr"^' "" '^^^'^^^'^ "light "ot be heard, may easily be absolved
freed. ^^°^ ^^^ g"i^t hereof, as standing untouched, and upright
in their innocencies ; whilest the privie factionaries shall
never find time nor darknesse, to wipe away or cover
their ignoble and irreligious practises, who, it may be,
lay all the discredits, and imputations the while upon
the Countrie. But under pardon, let me speake freely
to them : let them remember that if riot and sloth
should both meet in any one of their best Families,
in a Countrey most stored with abundance and plentie
in England, continuall wasting, no Husbandry, the
old store still spent on, no order for new provisions,
what better could befall unto the Inhabitants, Land-
46
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
lords, and Tenants of that corner, then necessarily
following cleannesse of teeth, famine and death ? Is
it not the sentence and doome of the Wiseman ? Yet P''"^- ^■
a little sleepe, a little slumber, and a little folding of
the hands to sleepe : so thy poverty commeth, as one
that travelleth by the way, and thy necessitie like an
armed man. And with this Idlenesse, when some thing
was in store, all wastftill courses exercised to the heigth,
and the headlesse multitude, (some neither of qualitie
nor Religion) not imployed to the end for which they
were sent hither, no not compelled (since in themselves
unwilling) to sowe Corne for their owne bellies, nor
to put a Roote, Herbe, &c. for their owne particular
good in their Gardens or elsewhere : I say in this neglect
and sensuall Surfet, all things suffered to runne on,
to lie sicke and languish ; must it be expected, that
health, plentie, and all the goodnesse of a well ordered
State, of necessitie for all this to flow in this Countrey ?
You have a right and noble heart (worthy Lady) bee
judge of the truth herein. Then suffer it not bee
concluded unto you, nor beleeve, I beseech you, that
the wants and wretchednesse which they have indured,
ascend out of the povertie and vilenesse of the Countrey,
whether bee respected the Land or Rivers : the one,
and the other, having not only promised, but powred
enough in their veines, to convince them in such [IV. ix.
calumnies, and to quit those common calamities, which '75°-J
(as the shadow accompanies the body) the precedent
neglects touched at, if truely followed, and wrought
upon. What England may boast of, having the faire
hand of husbandry to manure and dresse it, God, and The Countrey
Nature have favourably bestowed upon this Country, <^'>"'™inded.
and as it hath given unto it, both by situation, height,
and soyle, all those (past hopes) assurances which follow
our well planted native Countrie, and others, lying
under the same influence : if, as ours, the Countrey
and soyle might be improved, and drawne forth : so
hath it indowed it, as is most certaine, with many more,
47
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
which England fetcheth farre unto her from elsewhere.
For first wee have experience, and even our eyes witnesse
(how yong so ever wee are to the Countrie) that no
Countrey yeeldeth goodlier Corne, nor more manifold
increase : large Fields wee have, as prospects of the
same, and not farre from our Pallisado. Besides, wee
have thousands of goodly Vines in every hedge, and
Boske running along the ground, which yeelde a
plentifull Grape in their kinde. Let mee appeale then
to knowledge, if these naturall Vines were planted,
dressed, and ordered by skilfuU Vinearoones, whether
wee might not make a perfect Grape, and fruitefuU
Vintage in short time .'' And we have made triall of
our owne English seedes, kitchen Hearbs, and Rootes,
and finde them to prosper as speedily as in England.
Rem. acu Onely let me truely acknowledge, they are not an
Mtgtt. hundred or two of deboist hands, dropt forth by yeare
m^"ery in ^^^^^ yeare, with penury, and leisure, ill provided for
Virginia. before they come, and worse to be governed when they
are here, men of such distempered bodies, and infected
mindes, whom no examples daily before their eyes,
either of goodnesse or punishment, can deterre from
their habituaU impieties, or terrifie from a shamefuU
death, that must be the Carpenters, and workemen
in this so glorious a building.
Then let no rumour of the poverty of the Country
(as if in the wombe thereof there lay not those elementall
seedes, which could produce as many faire births of
plenty, and increase, and better hopes, then any land
under the heaven, to which the Sunne is no neerer
a neighbour) I say, let no imposture rumour, nor any
fame of some one, or a few more changeable actions,
interposing by the way, or at home, wave any mans
faire purposes hitherward, or wrest them to a declining
and falling off from the businesse.
I will acknowledge, deere Lady, I have seene much
propensnesse already towards the unity, and generall
endeavours : how contentedly doe such as labour with
48
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
us, goe forth, when men of ranke and quality, assist,
and set on their labours ? I have seene it, and I protest
it, I have heard the inferioor people, with alacrity of
spirit professe, that they should never refuse to doe
their best in the practise of their sciences and knowledges. Times of
when such worthy, and Noble Gentlemen goe in and ^"^""J" ""'i'''
out before them, and not onely so, but as the occasion "^ ' ""'
shall be offered, no lesse helpe them with their hand,
then defend them with the Sword. And it is to be
understood, that such as labour, are not yet so taxed,
but that easily they performe the same, and ever by
tenne of the clocke have done their Mornings worke :
at what time, they have their allowances set out ready
for them, and untill it be three of the clocke againe,
they take their owne pleasure, and afterwards with the
Sunne set, their dayes labour is finished. In all which
courses, if the businesse be continued, I doubt nothing,
with Gods favour towards us, but to see it in time, a
Countrie, an Haven, and a Staple, fitted for such a
trade, as shall advance assureder increase, both to the
Adventurers, and free Burgers thereof, then any Trade Note. The
in Christendome, or then that (even in her earely dayes, ^°f".°f
when Michael Cavacco the Greeke, did first discover ' ^
it to our English Factor in Poland) which extends it
selfe now from Calpe and Abila, to the bottome of
Sidon, and so wide as Alexandria, and all the Ports
and Havens North and South, through the Arches to
Cio, Smyrna, Troy, the Hellespont, and up to Pompeys
Pillar, which as a Pharos, or watch Tower, stands
upon the wondrous opening into the Euxine Sea.
From the three and twentieth of May, unto the Sir T. Gates
seventh of June, our Governour attempted, and made A" ere.
triall of all the wayes, that both his owne judgement
could prompe him in, and the advice of Captaine George
Percy, and those Gentlemen whom hee found of the
Counsell, when hee came in, as of others ; whom hee
caused to deliver their knowledges, concerning the State
and Condition of the Countrey : but after much debating,
XIX 49 D
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PII^GRIMES
1610.
it could not appeare, how possibly they might preserve
themselves (reserving that little which wee brought from
the Bermudas in our Shippes, and was upon all occasions
tp stand good by us) tenne dayes from starving. For
besides that the Indians were or themselves poore, they
Pohatam were forbidden likewise (by their subtile King Powhatan)
policy. at ^U to trade with us ; and not onely so, but tp
indanger and assault any Boate upon the River, or
stragler out of the Fort by Land, by which (not long
before our arrivall) our people had a large Bpate cut
off, and divers of our men killed, even within command
of our Blocke-house ; as likewise, they shot two of
our people to death, after we had bin foure and five
dayes come in : and yet would they dare then to enter
our Ports, and trucke with us (as they counterfeited
Savage Spies, underhand) when indeede, they came but as Spies to
discover our strength, trucking with us upon such hard
conditions, that our Governour might very well see
their subtiltie, and therefore neither could well indure,
[IV. ix. nor would continue it. And I may truely say beside,
'75'-] so had our men abased, and to such a contempt, had
ourl"otie *^^J^ brought the value of our Copper, that a peece
which would have bought a bushell of their Corne in
former time, would not now buy a little Cade or
Basket of a Pottle. And for this misgovernment,
Mischiefes of chjefely our Colony is much bound to the Mariners,
Manners. ^j^^ never yet in any Voyage hither, but have made
a prey of our poore people in want ; insomuch, as
unlesse they might advance foure or five for one (how
assured soever of the payments pf their Bils of Exchange)
they would not spare them a dust of Cprne, nor a
pinte of Beere, to give unto them the least comfort or
reliefe, although that Beere purloyned, and stolne perhaps,
either from some particular supply, or from the generall
store : so uncharitable a parcell of people they be, and
ill conditioned. I my selfe have heard the Master of a
Shippe say (even upon the arrivall of this Fleete, with
the Lord Governour and Captaine Generall, when the
5°
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
said Master was treated with for such Commodities
as hee brought to sell) that unlesse hee might have an
East Indian increase, foure for one, all charges cleered,
hee would not part with a Can of Beere. Besides, to
doe us more villany and mischiefs, they would send
of their long Boates still by night, and (well guarded)
make out to the neighbour Villages, and Townes, and
there (contrary to the Articles of the Fort, which now
pronounce death for a trespasse of that qualitie) trucke
with the Indians, giving for their trifles Otter skinnes,
Bevers, Rokoone Furres, Beares skinnes, &c. so large a
quantity, and measure of Copper, as when the Trucke-
Master for the Colony, in the day time offered trade, the
Indians would laugh and scorne the same, telling what
bargains they met withall by night, from our Mangot
Quintons (so calling our great Shippes) by which meanes,
the Market with them forestalled thus by these dis-
honest men, I may boldly say, they have bin a con-
sequent cause (this last yeare) to the death and starving Pursers fraud.
of many a worthy spirit ; but I hope to see a true
amendment and reformation, as well of those as of
divers other intoUerable abuses, thrust upon the Colony
by these shamelesse people, as also for the transportation
of such provisions and supplies as are sent hither, and
come under the charge of pursers (a parcell, fragment,
and odde ends of fellowes dependancies to the others)
a better course thought upon : of which supplies, never
yet came into the Store, or to the Parties, unto whom
such supplies were sent, by relation hitherto, a moitie
or third part ; for the speedy redresse of this, being
so soveraigne a point, I understand how the Lord
Governour and Captaine Generall, hath advised unto Remedy.
the Counsell, that there may be no more provisions
at all delivered unto Pursers, but hath intreated to
have the provision thus ordered. He would have a
Commissary Generall of the Victuals to be appointed,
who (receiving the store for the Colony, by Indenture
from the Treasurer, and Victuallers in England) may
SI
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
keepe a just accompt, what the grosse amounteth unto,
and what is transported every Voyage, in severall kindes,
as of Bread, Meate, Beere, Wine, &c. which said
Commissary shall deliver over the same, to the Master
of every Ship, and take an Indenture from the said
Master, of what he hath in charge, and what he is
to deliver to the Treasurer of the store in Virginia :
of which, if any be wanting, he the said Master shall
make it good, out of his owne intertainment, other-
wise the Pursers, Stewards, Coopers, and quarter Masters,
will be sure still, not onely to give themselves and
their friends double allowances, but thinke it all well
gotten that they can purloine and steale away.
Besides that the Indian thus evill intreated us, the
River (which were wont before this time of the yeare
to be plentifuU of Sturgion) had not now a Fish to
be scene in it, and albeit we laboured, and hold our
Net twenty times day and night, yet we tooke not
so much as would content halfe the Fishermen. Our
Governour therefore sent away his long Boate to coast
the River downward, as farre as Point Comfort, and
from thence to Cape Henry, and Cape Charles, and
all within the Bay : which after a seven nights triall
and travaile, returned without any fruites of their
labours, scarse getting so much Fish as served their
owne Company.
The Colony And to take any thing from the Indian by force,
when they ^g never used, nor willingly ever will : and though
foure"daves of ^^^7 ^^^ ^^^^ deserved it, yet it was not now time,
starving. for they did (as I said before) but then set their Corne,
and at their best, they had but from hand to mouth;
so as what now remained? such as we found in the
Fort, had wee staid but foure dayes, had doubtlesse
bin the most part of them starved, for their best
reliefe was onely Mushrums, and some hearbes, which
sod together, made but a thin and unsavory broath,
and swelled them much. The pitty hereof moved our
Governour to draw forth such provision as he had
52
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1610.
brought, proportioning a measure equally to every one
a like. But then our Governor began to examine how
long this his store would hold out, and found it
(husbanded to the best advantage) not possible to serve
longer then sixteene dayes : after which, nothing was
to be possibly supposed out of the Countrey (as before
remembred) nor remained there then any meanes to
transport him elsewhere. Whereupon hee then entred
into the consultation with Sir George Summers, and
Captaine Newport, calling unto the same the Gentlemen
and Counsell of the former Government, intreating both
the one and the other to advise with him what was
best to be done. The provision which they both
had aboord himselfe and Sir George Summers, was
examined, and delivered, how it, being rackt to the
uttermost, extended not above, as I said, sixteene
dayes, after two Cakes a day. The Gendemen of
the Town, who knew better of the Country, could
not give him any hope, or wayes, how to improve it [IV. ix.
from the Indian. It soone then appeared most fit, '75^]
by a generall approbation, that to preserve and save
all from starving, there could be no readier course
thought on, then to abandon the Country, and P'*1>^" ">
accommodating themselves the best that they might, q^LI
in the present Pinnaces then in the road, namely in
the Discovery and the Virginia, and in the two, brought
from, and builded at the Bermudas, the Deliverance,
and the Patience, with all speede convenient to make
for the New found Land, where (being the fishing
time) they might meete with many English Ships into
which happily they might disperse most of the
Company.
This Consultation taking effect, our Governor having
caused to be carried aboord all the Armes, and all the
best things in the store, which might to the Adventurers
make some commodity upon the sale thereof at home,
and burying our Ordnances before the Fort gate,
which looked into the River. The seventh of June
53
A.D.
161O.
The highest
pitch y htoest
depth of the
Colonies
miseries
scarsly
escaping the
javies of
devouring
desperation.
Hopes
morning.
L. La Warrs
arrivall.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
having appointed to every Pinnace likewise his com-
plement and number, also delivered thereunto a pro-
portionable rate of provision, hee commanded every
man at the beating of the Drum to repaire aboord.
And because hee would preserve the Towne (albeit
now to be quitted) unburned, which some intemperate
and malicious people threatned, his owne Company he
caused to be left ashoare, and was himselfe the last
of them, when about noone giving a farewell, with a
peale of small shot, wee set saile, and that night, with
the tide, fell downe to an Hand in the River, which
our people have called Hogge Hand ; and the morning
tide brought us to another Hand, which we have
called Mulberry Hand ; where lying at an ancor, in the
afternoone stemming the tide, wee discovered a long
Boate making towards us, from Point Comfort : much
descant we made thereof, about an houre it came up ;
by which, to our no little joyes, we had intelligence
of the honorable my Lord La Warr his arrivall before
Algarnoone Fort the sixt of June, at what time, true
it is, his Lordship having understood of our Governours
resolution to depart the Country, with all expedition
caused his SkifFe to be manned, and in it dispatched
his letters by Captain Edward Bruster (who command-
eth his Lordships Company) to our Governdur, which
preventing us before the aforesaid Mulberry Hand, (the
eight of June aforesaid) upon the receipt of his honours
letters, our Governour bore up the helme, with the
winde comming Easterly, and that night (the winde
so favourable) relanded all his men at the Fort againe:
before which (the tenth of June, being Sunday) his
Lordship had likewise brought his Ships, and in the
afternoone, came a shoare with Sir Ferdinando Weinman,
and all his Lordships followers.
Here (worthy Lady) let mee have a little your pardon,
for having now a better heart, then when I first landed,
I will briefely describe unto you, the situation and
forme of our Fort. When Captain Newport in his
54
SIR THOMAS GATfiS ad
1610.
first Voyage, did not like to inhabit upon so open Description of
a roade, as Cape Henry, nor Point Comfort he plied ^f « ««* -""^
It up to the Rivef, still looking out for the most apt y^w """"
and securest place, as well for his Company to sit downe
in, as which might give the least cause of offence, or distast
in his judgement, to the Inhabitants. At length, sifter
much and weary search (with their Barge coasting
still before, as Virgill writeth ^neas did, arriving in
the region of Italy called Latium, upon the bankes
of the River Tyber) in the Country of a Werowance
called Wowinchapuncke (a ditionary to Powhatan)
within this faire River of Paspiheigh, which wee have
called the Kings River, a Country least inhabited by
the Indian, as they all the way observed, and three-
score miles & better up the fresh Channell, from
Cape Henry they had sight of an extended pkine &
spot of earth, which thrust out into the depth, &
middest of the channell, making a kinde of Chersonesus
or Peninsula, for it was fastened onely to the Land
^\t\i a slender necke, no broader then a man may well
quaite a tile shard, & no inhabitants by seven or six
miles neere it. The Trumpets sounding, the Admiraill
strooke saile, and before the same, the rest of the
Fleete came to an ancor, and here (as the best yet
offered unto their view, supposed so much the more
convenient, by how much with their small Company,
they were like inough the better to assure it) to loose
no further time, the Colony disimbarked, and every
man brought his particular store and furniture, together
with the generall provision ashoare : for the safety of
which, as likewise for their owne security, ease, and
better accommodating, a certaine Canton and quantity
of that little halfe Hand of ground, was measured, which
they began to fortifie, and thereon in the name of
God, to raise a Fortresse, with the ablest and speediest
meanes they could : which Fort, growing since to more
peffection, is now at this present in this manner. TheFort,i^c.
A low levell of ground about halfe an Acre, or (so described.
55
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6io.
much as Queene Dido might buy of King Hyarbas,
which she compassed about with the thongs cut out
of one Bull hide, and therein built her Castle of
Byrza) on the North side of the River, is cast almost
into the forme of a Triangle, and so Pallizadoed.
The South side next the River (howbeit extended in
a line, or Curtaine six score foote more in length, then
the other two, by reason the advantage of the ground
doth so require) containes one hundred and forty yards:
the West and East sides a hundred onely. At every
Angle or corner, where the lines meete, a Bulwarke
or Watchtower is raised, and in each Bulwarke a
peece of Ordnance or two well mounted. To every
side, a proportioned distance from the Pallisado, is a
setled streete of houses, that runs along, so as each
line of the Angle hath his streete. In the middest is
a market place, a Store house, and a Corps du guard,
as likewise a pretty Chappell, though (at this time
when wee came in) as ruined and unfrequented : but
[IV. ix. the Lord Governour, and Captaine Generall, hath given
I753-J order for the repairing of it, and at this instant, many
hands are about it. It is in length threescore foote, in
breadth twenty foure, and shall have a Chancell in it of
Cedar, and a Communion Table of the Blake Walnut,
and all the Pewes of Cedar, with faire broad windowes,
to shut and open, as the weather shall occasion, of the
same wood, a Pulpet of the same, with a Font hewen
hollow, like a Canoa, with two Bels at the West end.
It is so cast, as it be very light within, and the Lord
Governour and Captaine Generall doth cause it to be
kept passing sweete, and trimmed up with divers
flowers, with a Sexton belonging to it, and in it every
Sonday wee have sermons twice a day, and every
Thursday a Sermon, having true preachers, which take
their weekely turnes, and every morning at the ringing
of a Bell, about ten of the clocke, each man addresseth
himselfe to prayers, and so at foure of the clocke
before Supper. Every Sunday, when the Lord Gover-
56
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
i6io.
nour, and Captaine Generall goeth to Church, hee is
accompanied with all the Counsailers, Captaines, other
Officers, and all the Gentlemen, and with a Guard of
Holberdiers in his Lordships Livery, faire red cloakes,
to the number of fifty, both on each side, and behinde
him : and being in the Church, his Lordship hath his
seate in the Quier, in a greene Velvet Chaire, with a
Cloath, with a Velvet Cushion spread on a Table
before him, on which he kneeleth, and on each side
sit the Counsell, Captaines, and Officers, each in their
place, and when he returneth home againe, he is waited
on to his house in the same manner.
And thus inclosed, as I said, round with a Pallizado
of Planckes and strong Posts, foure foote deepe in the
ground, of yong Oakes, Walnuts, &c. The Fort is
called in honour of his Majesties name, James Towne ;
the principall Gate from the Towne, through the
Pallizado, opens to the River, as at each Bulwarke
there is a Gate likewise to goe forth, and at every
Gate a Demi-Culverin, and so in . the Market Place.
The houses first raised, were all burnt by a casualty of The Houses.
fire, the beginning of the second yeare of their seate,
and in the second Voyage of Captain Newport, which
since have bin better rebuilded, though as yet in no
great uniformity, either for the fashion, or beauty of
the streete. A delicate wrought fine kinde of Mat the
Indians make, with which (as they can be trucked for,
or snatched up) our people do dresse their chambers,
and inward roomes, which make their houses so much
the more handsome. The houses have wide and large
Country Chimnies in the which is to be supposed (in
such plenty of wood) what fires are maintained ; and
they have found the way to cover their houses : now (as
the Indians) with barkes of Trees, as durable, and as Barke Roofes.
good proofe against stormes, and winter weather, as the
best Tyle defending likewise the piercing Sunbeames of
Summer, and keeping the inner lodgings coole enough,
which before in sultry weather would be like Stoves,
57
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
whilest they were, as at first, pargetted and {JlaistCfed
with Bitumen or tough Clay : and thus armed fof the
injury of changing times, and seasons of the yeare, we hold
our selves well apaid, though wanting Arras Hangings,
Tapistry, and guilded Venetian Cordovdh, or more
spruse houshold garniture, and wanton City ornameitts,
remembring the old Epigratph :
We dwell not here to build us Bowers,
And Hals for pleasure and good cheere :
But Hals we build for us and ours.
To dwell in them whilst we live here.
Unhealthfttl- True it is, I may not excuse this our Fort, or
nesse of James James Towne, as yet seated in some what an unwhole-
Touine. some and sickly ayre, by reason it is in a marish ground,
low, flat to the River, and hath no fresh water Springs
Serving the ToWne, but what wee drew froih a Well
sixe or seven fathom deepe, fed by the brackish River
owzing into it, from whence I verily beleeve, the dhiefe
causes have proceeded of many diseases and sicknesses
which have happened to our people, who are indeede
strangely afflicted with Fluxes and Aguds ; and every
particular season (by the relation of the old inhabitants)
hath his particular infirmity too, all which (if it had
bin our fortunes, to have seated upon some hfll,
accommodated with fresh Springs and cleere ayfe, as
doe the Natives of the Country) we might have, I
beleeve, well escaped : and some experience we have
to perswade our selves that it may be so, for of fotire
hundred and odde men, which were seated at the Fals,
the last yeere when the Fleete came in with fresh and
yong able spirits, under the government of Captain
Francis West, and of one hundred to the Seawards (on
the South side of our River) in the Country bf the
Nansamundes, under the charge of Gaptaine John
Martin, thei'e did not so much as one man miscarry,
and but very fc-w or none fall sicke, wher'feas' at
James Towne, the same time, and the same moneths,
58
SIR THOMAS GATES ad.
1610.
one hundred sickned, & halfe the number died :
howbeit, as we condemne not Kent in England, for
a small Towne called Plumsted, continually assaulting
the dwellers there (especially new commers) with
Agues and Fevers ; no more let us lay scandall,
and imputation upon the Country of Virginia, because
the little Quarter wherein we are set downe (un-
advisedly so chosed) appeares to be unwholesome,
and subject to many ill ayres, which accompany the
like marish places.
§. nil. [IV.i^.
. 1754-]
The Lord La Warres beginnings and proceedings
in James Towne. Sir Thomas Gates sent
into England ; his and the Companies testi-
mony of Virginia, and cause of the late
miseries.
Pon his Lordship's landing at the South gate of the
Pallizado (which lookes into the River) our
Governour caused his Company in armes to stand
in order, and make a Guard : It pleased him, that I
should beare his Colours for that time : his Lordship
landing, fell upon his knees, and before us all, made a
long and silent Prayer to himselfe, and after, marched up
into the Towne, where at the Gate, I bowed with the
Colours, and let them fall at his Lordship's feete, who
passed on into the Chappell, where he heard a Sermon by
Master Bucke our Governours Preacher ; and after that,
caused a Gentleman, one of his owne followers. Master
Anthony Scot his Ancient, to reade his Commission, Commission
which intituled him Lord Governour, and Captaine >ed.
Generall during his life, of the Colony and Plantation in ^'"''^ ^''.
Virginia (Sir Thomas Gates our Governour hitherto, s^/t''' Q^t'is
being now stiled therein Lieutenant Generall.) Lieutenant
After the reading of his Lordships Commission, Sir Generall.
Thomas Gates rendred up unto his Lordship his owne
Commission, both Patents, and the Counsell Scale : after
59
I
A.D.
161O.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
His speech.
Provisions
brought.
which, the Lord Governour, and Captaine Generall, de-
livered some few words unto the Company, laying many
blames upon them for many vanities, and their Idlenesse,
earnestly wishing, that he might no more finde it so,
least he should be compelled to draw the sword of
Justice, to cut off such delinquents, which he had
much rather, he protested, draw in their defence, to
protect them from injuries ; hartening them with the
knowledge of what store of provisions he had brought
for them, viz. sufficient to serve foure hundred men
for one whole yeare.
The twelfth of June, being Tuesday, the Lord
Governour and Captaine Generall, did constitute, and
give places of Office, and charge to divers Captaines
and Gentlemen, and elected unto him a Counsell, unto
whom he did administer an Oath, mixed with the oath
of Allegiance, and Supremacy to his Majestic : which
oath likewise he caused to be administred the next day
Colony sworn, after to every particular member of the Colony, of Faith,
Assistance, and Secrecy. The Counsaile which he
elected were. Sir Thomas Gates Knight, Lieutenant
Generall. Sir George Summers Knight, Admirall. Captaine
Percy Esquire, and in the Fort Captaine of fifty. Sir
Ferdinando Weinman Knight, Master of the Ordnance.
Captaine Christopher Newport, Vice-admirall. William
Strachei Esquire, Secretary, and Recorder.
As likewise the Lord Governour and Captaine
Generall, nominated Captaine John Martin, Master of
the Battery workes for Steele and Iron : and Captaine
George Webb Sergeant Major of the Fort : and
especiall Captaines over Companies, were these appointed ;
Captaine Edward Bruster, who hath the command
of his Honours owne Company. Captaine Thomas
Lawson. Captain Thomas Holecroft. Captaine Samuell
ArgoU. Captaine George Yardley, who commandeth the
Lieutenant Generals Company. Divers other Officers
were likewise made, as Master Ralph Hamer, and
Master Browne, Clarkes of the Counsell, and Master
60
Counsell
chosen i£
swome.
Officers
appointed.
Sm THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
Daniell Tucker, and Master Robert Wilde, Clarkes of
the Store, &c.
The first businesse which the Lord Governour and
Captaine Generall (after the setling of these Officers)
thought upon, was to advise with his Counsell, for the
obtaining of such provisions of victuals for store, and
quality, as the Countrey afforded. It did not appeare,
that any kinde of Flesh, Deere, or what else, of that
kinde, could be recovered from the Indian, or to be
sought in the Countrey, by the travaile or search of
his people, and the old dwellers in the Fort (together
with the Indians not to friend) who had the last
winter, destroyed and killed up all the Hogges, inso-
much, as of five or sixe hundred (as it is supposed)
there was not one left alive ; nor an Henne, nor Chicke
in the Fort ; and our Horses and Mares, they had
eaten with the first, and the provision which the Lord
Governour, and Captaine Generall had brought, con-
cerning any kinde of flesh, was little or nothing ; in
respect it was not drempt of by the Adventurers in
England, that the Swine were destroyed.
In Counsell therefore the thirteenth of June, it
pleased Sir George Summers Knight, Admirall, to pro- Sir G.
pose a Voyage, which for the better reliefe, and good S""''"^"
of the Colony, he would performe into the Bermudas, i,^i„„^„.
from whence he would fetch six moneths provision visions from
of Flesh and Fish, and some live Hogges to store our Bermudas.
Colony againe : and had a Commission given unto him
the fifteenth of June, 16 10. who in his owne Bermuda
Pinnace, the Patience, consorted with Captaine Samuell
ArgoU, in the Discovery (whom the Lord Governour,
and Captaine Generall, made of the counsell before
his departure) the nineteenth of June, fell with
the Tyde from before our Towne, and the twenty two
left the Bay, or Cape Henry a sterne.
And likewise, because at the Lord Governour, and
Captaine General's first comming, there was found in
our owne River no store of Fish ; after many trials,
61
A.D.
161O.
[IV.
I755-]
*Ad Grtecas
Cakndas.
Can a
Leopard
change his
spots? Can a
Savage
remayning a
Savage be
civill?
IVere not wee
our selves
made and not
borne civill in
our Progeni-
tors dayes ?
and were not
Casars
Britaines as
brutish as
Virginians?
The Romane
swords were
best teachers of
civilitie to this
y other
Countries
neere us.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the Lor4 Governour, and Captaifie Generall, dispatched
in the Virginia, with instructions, the seventeenth of
June, 1 6 10. Robert Tyndall, Master of the De la
Warre, to fish unto, all along, and betweene Cape Henry,
and Cape Charles, within the Bay ; who the last of the
said moneth returned unto us againe, but as ill speeding
as the former, whom our Governour (now Lieutenant
Generall) had addressed thither before for the same
purpose. Nor was the Lord Governour, and Captaine
Generall in the meane while idle at the Fort, but every
day and night hee caused the Nets to be hawled, some-
times a dozen times one after another. But it pleased
not God so to blesse our labours, that we did at any
time take one quarter so much, as would give unto our
people one pound at a meale a peece, by which we
might have better husbanded our Pease and Oatemeale,
notwithstanding the great store we now saw daily in
our River : but let the blame of this lye where it is,
both upon our Nets, and the unskilfulnesse of our men
to lay them.
The sixth of July Sir Thomas Gates Lieutenant
Generall, comming downe to Point Comfort, the North
wind (blowing rough) he found had forced the long
Boate belonging to Algernoone Fort, to the other shoare
upon Nansamund side, somewhat short of Weroscoick :
which to recover againe, one of the Lieutenant Generals
men Humfrey Blunt, in an old Canow made over,
but the wind driving him upon the Strand, certaine
Indians (watching the occasion) seised the poore fellow,
and led him up into the Woods, and sacrificed him.
It did not a little trouble the Lieutenant Governour,
who since his first landing in the Countrey (how justly
soever provoked) would not by any meanes be wrought
to a violent proceeding against them, for all the practises
of villany, with which they daily indangered our men,
thinking it possible,* by a more tractable course, to
winne them to a better condition : but now being
startled by this, he well perceived, how little a faire
62
SIR THOMAS GATES ad
1610.
and noble intreatie workes upon a barbarous dis-
position, and therefore in some measure purposed to be
revenged.
The ninth of July, he prepared his forces, and early
in the morning set upon a Towne of theirs, some foure
miles from Algernoone Fort, called Kecoughtan, and
had soone taken it, without losse or hurt of any of his
men. The Governour and his women fled (the young
King Powhatans Sonne not being there) but left his
poore baggage, and treasure to the spoyle of our
Souldiers, which was only a few Baskets of old Wheate,
and some other of Pease and Beanes, a litde Tobacco,
and some few womens Girdles of Silke, of the Grasse- Grosse silke.
silke, not without art, and much neatnesse finely
wrought ; of which I have sent divers into England,
(beeing at the taking of the Towne) and would have
sent your Ladiship some of them, had they beene a
Present so worthy.
We purposed to set a Frenchman heere a worke to
pUnt Vines, which grew naturally in great plentie.
Some few Corne fields it hath, and the Corne in good
forwardnesse, and wee despaire not but to bee able (if
our men stand in health) to make it good against the
Indian.
The continuall practices of the subtle King Powhatan,
doth not meanely awaken all the powers and workings
of vertue and knowledge, in our Lord Governour and
Captaine Generall, how to prevent not only his mischiefes,
but to draw him upon some better termes, and acknow-
ledgement of our forces and spirits, both able and daring
to quit him in any valiant and martiall course what-
soever, he shall dare to runne with us, which hee doth
yet scarsly beleeve. For this therefore, since first,
and that so lately, he hath set on his people, to
attempt us with private Conspiracies and actuall violence,
into the one drawing his Neighbour Confederates and
under Princes, and by the other working the losse
and death of divers of our men, and by such their
63
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
losse seising their Armes, Swords, Peeces, &c. of which
he hath gathered into his store a great quantitie and
English number by Intelligence above two hundred Swords,
Jrmes besides Axes, and Pollaxes, Chissels, Howes, to paire
Pmhatan'^ and clense their ground, with an infinite treasure of
Copper, our Lord Governour and Captaine Generall
Message to sent two Gentlemen with an Ambassie unto him, letting
Powhatan, jij^j j-o understand of his practises and outrage, hitherto
used toward our people, not only abroad but at our
Fort also : yet flattering him withall how the Lord
Governour and Captaine Generall did not suppose, that
these mischiefes were contrived by him, or with his
knowledge, but conceived them rather to be the acts of
his worst and unruly people, his Lordship therefore now
complayning unto him required, that hee (being so
great and wise a King) would give an universall order
to his Subjects, that it might bee no more so, lest the
Lord Governour and Captaine Generall should be
compelled (by defending him and his) to offend him,
which he would be loath to do : withall he willed the
Messengers to demand of him the said Powhatan, that
he would either punish or send unto his Lordship such
of his people whom Powhatan knew well not long
before, had assaulted our men at the Block-house, and
but newly killed foure of them, as also to demaund of
Powhatan, willing him to returne unto the English
Fort, both such men as hee detayned of ours, and
such Armes as he had of theirs in his possession, and
those conditions performed, hee wiUed them to assure
unto Powhatan that then their great Werowance, the
Lord Governour and Captaine Generall would hold
faire quarter, and enter friendship with him, as a friend
to King James and his Subjects. But refusing to
submit to these demands, the Lord Governour and
Captaine Generall gave in charge to the Messengers, so
sent to signifie unto Powhatan that his Lordship would
by all meanes publike and private, seeke to recover
from him such of the English as he had, being
64
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
Subjects to his King and Master, unto whom even [IV. ix.
Powhatan himselfe had formerly vowed, not only '756]
friendship but homage, receiving from his Majestic
therefore many gifts, and upon his knees a Crowne and
Scepter with other Ornaments, the Symbols of CiviU
State and Christian Soveraigntie, thereby obliging him-
selfe to Offices of dutie to his Majestie. Unto all
which Powhatan returned no other answere, but that Powhatans
either we should depart his Country, or confine our ii»"igi-
selves to James Towne only, without searching further
up into his Land, or Rivers, or otherwise, hee would
give in command to his people to kill us, and doe
unto us all the mischiefe, which they at their pleasure
could and we feared : withall forewarning the said
Messengers, not to returne any more unto him, unlesse
they brought him a Coach and three Horses, for hee
had understood by the Indians which were in England,
how such was the state of great Werowances, and Lords
in England, to ride and visit other great men.
After this divers times, and daily hee sent sometimes
two, sometimes three, unto our Fort, to understand
our strength, and to observe our Watch & Guard,
and how our people stood in health, and what numbers
were arrived with this new Weroance : which being
soone perceived our Lord Governour and Captaine
Generall forewarned such his Spies, upon their owne
perill, to resort no more unto our Fort. Howbeit,
they would daUy presse into our Block-house, and come
up to our Pallizado gates, supposing the government as
well now, as fantasticall and negligent in the former
times, the whilest some quarter of a mile short of the
Block-house, the greatest number of them would make
assault, and lye in ambush about our Glasse-house,
whether, divers times indeed our men would make
out either to gather Strawberries, or to fetch fresh
water; any one of which so stragled, if they could with
conveniencie, they would assault and charge with their
Bowes and Arrowes, in which manner they killed many
XIX 65 E
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
of our men : two of which being Paspaheans, who were
ever our deadliest enemies, and not to be reconciled;
at length being apprehended (and one of them a notable
villaine, who had attempted upon many in our Fort)
the Lord Governour caused them to be manacled, and
convented before him and his Counsell, where it was
determined that hee that had done so much mischiefe
should have his right hand strooke ofF, sending him
away withall, with a message to Powhatan, that unlesse
hee would yet returne such Englishmen as he detayned,
together with all such their Armes (as before spoken of)
that not only the other (now Prisoner) should die, but all
such of his Savages (as the Lord Governour and Captaine
Generall, could by any meanes surprize) should runne
the same course : as likewise the Lord Governour and
Captaine Generall would fire all his Neighbour Corne
Fieldes, Townes, and Villages, and that suddenly,
if Powhatan sent not to contract with him the
sooner.
What this will worke with him, wee know not as
yet, for this was but the day before our ships were
now falling to Point Comfort, and so to set sayle for
England : which ships riding before Weroscoick to take
in their fraight of Cedar, Clap-boord, Blacke Wal-nut,
and Iron Oare, tooke Prisoners likewise the chiefe King
of Weroscoick, called Sasenticum, with his Sonne Kainta,
a enprtsoner. ^^j ^^^ ^£ j^^^ chiefe men. And the fifteenth day of
July, in the Blessing Captaine Adams brought them to
Point Comfort, where at that time (as well to take his
S«> T. Gates leave of the Lieutenant Generall Sir Thomas Gates,
now bound for England, as to dispatch the ships) the
Lord Governour and Captaine Generall had pitched his
Tent in Algernoone Fort.
The Kings Sonne Kainta the Lord Governour and
Captaine Generall, hath sent now into England, untill
the ships arrive here againe the next Spring, dismissing
the old Werowance, and the other with all tearmes of
kindnesse, and friendship, promising further designes to
66
King of
Weroscoick
bound fir
England.
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
bee effected by him, to which hee hath bound himselfe,
by divers Savage Ceremonies, and admirations.
And thus (right Noble Ladie) once more this famous
businesse, as recreated, and dipped a new into life and spirit,
hath raysed it (I hope) from infamy, and shall redeeme
the Staines and losses under which she hath suffered,
since her first Conception : your Graces still accompany
the least appearance of her, and vouchsafe her to bee
limmed out, with the beautie which wee will begge, and
borrow from the faire lips : nor feare you, that shee
will returne blushes to your cheekes for praysing her,
since (more then most excellent Ladie) like your selfe
(were all tongues dumbe and envious) shee will prayse
her selfe in her most silence : may shee once bee but
scene, or but her shadow lively by a skilfull Workman
set out indeed, which heere (bungerly as I am) I have
presumed (though defacing it) in these Papers to present
unto your Ladiship.
After Sir Thomas Gates his arrivall, a Booke called
A true Declaration of Virginia, was published by the
Company, out of which I have heere inserted this their
publike testimonie of the causes of the former evils and
Sir Thomas Gates his Report upon Oath of Virginia.
THe ground of all those miseries, was the permissive
Providence of God, who, in the fore-mentioned
violent storm e, seperated the head from the bodie, all
the vitall powers of Regiment being exiled with Sir
Thomas Gates in those infortunate (yet fortunate) Hands.
The broken remainder of those supplyes made a greater
shipwracke in the Continent of Virginia, by the tempest
of Dissention : every man over-valuing his owne worth,
would be a Commander : every man underprizing
anothers value, denied to be commanded.
The next Fountaine of woes was secure negligence, [IV. ix.
and improvidence, when every man sharked for his i757-]
present bootie, but was altogether carelesse of succeeding
penurie. Now, I demand whether Sicilia, or Sardinia
67
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
(sometimes the Barnes of Rome) could hope for increase
without manuring ? A Colony is therefore denominated,
because they should be Coloni, the Tillers of the Earth,
and Stewards of fertilitie: our mutinous Loyterers
would not sow with providence, and therefore they
reaped the fruits of too deere bought Repentance.
An incredible example of their idlenesse, is the report
of Sir Thomas Gates, who affirmeth, that after his first
comming thither, he hath scene some of them eat their
fish raw, rather then they would goe a stones cast to
fetch wood and dresse it. Dei laboribus omnia vendunt,
God sels us all things for our labour, when Adam
himselfe might not live in Paradice without dressing
the Garden.
Unto idlenesse, you may joyne Treasons, wrought by
those unhallowed creatures that forsooke the Colonic,
and exposed their desolate Brethren to extreame miserie.
You shall know that eight and twentie or thirtie of
the Company, were appointed (in the ship called the
Swallow) to trucke for Corne with the Indians, and
having obtained a great quantitie by trading, the most
seditious of them, conspired together, perswaded some,
and enforced others, to this barbarous project. They
stole away the ship, they made a league amongst
themselves to be professed Pirats, with dreames of
Mountaines of Gold, and happie Robberies : thus at
one instant, they wronged the hopes, and subverted the
cares of the Colonie, who depending upon their returne,
fore-slowed to looke out for further provision : they
created the Indians our implacable enemies by some
violence they had offered: they carried away the best
ship (which should have beene a refuge in extremities:)
they weakened our forces, by subtraction of their armes
and succours. These are that scumme of men that
sayling in their Piracie, that being pinched with famine
and penurie, after their wilde roving upon the Sea, when
all their lawlesse hopes failed, some remayned with
other Pirates, they met upon the Sea, the others
68
SIR THOMAS GATES aj>.
1610.
resolved to returne for England, bound themselves by
mutuall Oath, to agree all in one report to discredit
the Land, to deplore the famine, and to protest that
this their comming away, proceeded from desperate
necessitie : These are they, that roared out the Tragicall
Historie of the man eating of his dead Wife in
Virginia; when the Master of this ship willingly con-
fessed before fortie witnesses, that at their comming
away, they left three monethes victuals, and all the
Cattell living in the Fort: sometimes they reported
that they saw this horrible action, sometimes that
Captaine Davies said so, sometimes that one Beadle the
Lieutenant of Captaine Davies did relate it, varying
this report into diversitie of false colours, which hold
no likenesse and proportion : But to cleere all doubts,
Sir Thomas Gates thus relateth the Tragedie.
There was one of the Company who mortally hated
his Wife, and therefore secretly killed her, then cut
her in pieces and hid her in divers parts of his House:
when the woman was missing, the man suspected, his
House searched, and parts of her mangled bodie were
discovered, to excuse himselfe he said that his Wife
died, that he hid her to satisfie his hunger, and that
hee fed daily upon her. Upon this, his House was
againe searched, where they found a good quantitie of
Meale, Oat-meale, Beanes and Pease. He thereupon
was arraigned, confessed the Murder, and was burned
for his horrible villany.
Now shall the scandalous reports of a viperous
generation, preponderate the testimonies of so worthy
Leaders .'' Shall their venemous tongues, blast the
reputation of an ancient and worthy Peere, who upon i^ord
the ocular certainty of future blessings, hath protested Lawarre.
in his Letters, that he will sacrifice himselfe for his
Countrie in this service, if he may be seconded; and
if the Company doe give it over, hee will yet lay all
his fortunes upon the prosecution of the Plantation ?
Unto Treasons, you may joyne covetousnesse in the
69
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Mariners, who for their private lucre partly imbezeled
the provisions, partly prevented our Trade with the
Indians making the Matches in the night, and forestalling
our Market in the day: whereby the Virginians were
glutted with our Trifles, and inhaunced the prices of
their Corne and Victuall. That Copper which before
would have provided a bushell, would not now obtaine
so much as a Pottle.
Joyne unto these another evill : there is great store
of Fish in the River, especially of Sturgeon; but our
men provided no more of them then for present
necessitie, not barrelling up any store against that season
the Sturgeon returned to the Sea. And not to dissemble
their folly, they suffered fourteene nets (which was all
they had) to rot and spoyle, which by orderly drying
and mending might have beene preserved : but being
lost, all helpe of fishing perished.
The state of the Colony, by these accidents began to
finde a sensible declining : which Powhatan (as a greedy
Vulture) observing, and boyling with desire of revenge,
hee invited Captaine Ratcliffe, and about thirty others
to trade for Corne, and under the colour of fairest
friendship, hee brought them within the compasse of
his ambush, whereby they were cruelly murthered and
massacred. For upon confidence of his fidelitie, they
went one and one into severall houses, which caused
their severall destructions, when if but any sixe had
remained together, they would have beene a Bulwarke
for the generall preservation. After this, Powhatan in
the night cut off^ some of our Boats, he drave away all
the Deere into the farther part of the Countrey, hee
and his people destroyed our Hogs (to the number of
about sixe hundred) hee sent one of his Indians to trade
with us, but layed secret ambushes in the Woods, that
if one or two dropped out of the Fort alone, they were
indangered.
[IV. ix. Cast up the reckoning together : want of government,
1758-] store of idlenesse, their expectations frustrated by the
70
SIR THOMAS GATES a.d.
1610.
Traytors, their market spoyled by the Mariners, our
Nets broken, the Deere chased, our Boats lost, our Hogs
killed, our trade with the Indians forbidden, some of
our men fled, some murthered, and most by drinking
of the brackish water of James Fort weakened and
indangered, famine and sicknesse by all these meanes
increased; here at home the monyes came in so slowly,
that the Lord Laware could not bee dispatched till the
Colony was worne and spent with difficulties : Above
all, having neither Ruler, nor Preacher, they neither
feared God, nor man, which provoked the wrath of the
Lord of Hosts, and pulled downe his judgements upon
them. Discite justitiam moniti.
The Councell of Virginia (finding the smalnesse of
that returne, which they hoped should have defrayed
the charge of a new supply) entred into a deepe con-
sultation, and propounded amongst themselves, whether
it were fit to enter into a new contribution, or in time
to send for home the Lord La-ware, and to abandon
the action. They resolved to send for Sir Thomas
Gates, who being come, they adjured him to deale plainly
with them, and to make a true relation of those things
which were presently to be had, or hereafter to be
hoped for in Virginia. Sir Thomas Gates with a
solemne and sacred oath replied, that all things before
reported were true : that the Countrey yeelded abundance
of Wood, as Oake, Wainscot, Walnut Trees, Bay Trees,
Ashe, Sarsafrase, live Oake, greene aU the yeere, Cedar
and Fir ; which are the materialls, of Soape ashes, and Pot
ashes, of Oyles of Walnuts, and Bayes, of Pitch and
Tar, of Clapboards, Pipe-staves, Masts and excellent
boards of fortie, fiftie, and sixtie length, and three foot
breadth, when one Firre tree is able to make the maine
Mast of the greatest Ship in England. He avouched
that there are incredible varietie of sweet woods, especially
of the Balsamum tree, which distilleth a precious Gumme ;
that there are innumerable white Mulberry trees, which
in so warme a climate may cherish and feede millions of
71
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
Silke-wormes, and returne us in a very short time, as
great a plenty of Silke as is vented into the whole world
from all the parts of Italy: that there are divers sorts
of Minerals, especially of Iron oare lying upon the
ground for ten Miles circuite ; (of which wee have made
a triall at home, that it maketh as good Iron as any is
in Europe :) that a kinde of Hempe or Flaxe, and Silke
Grasse doe grow there naturally, which will affoord stufFe
for all manner of excellent Cordage: That the River
swarmeth with all manner of Sturgeon : the Land
aboundeth with Vines ; the Woods doe harbour ex-
ceeding store of Beavers, Foxes, and Squirrels; the
Waters doe nourish a great encrease of Otters, all
which are covered with precious Furres : that there are
in present discovered Dyes and Drugges of sundry
qualities; that the Orenges which have beene planted,
did prosper in the winter, which is an infallible argu-
ment, that Lemmons, Sugar Canes, Almonds, Rice,
Anniseede, and all other commodities which wee have
from the Straights, may be supplied to us in our owne
Countrey, and by our owne industry: that the Corne
yeeldeth a terrible encrease more then ours: and lastly,
that it is one of the goodliest Countries under the
Sunne; enterveined with five maine Rivers, and
promising as rich entrals as any Kingdome of the
earth, to whom the Sunne is no neerer a neighbour.
72
SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1610.
Chap. VII.
The Voyage of Captaine Samuel Argal, from
James Towne in Virginia, to seeke the lie
of Bermuda, and missing the same, his
putting over toward Sagadahoc and Cape
Cod, and so backe againe to James Towne,
begun the nineteenth of June, 16 10.
Ir George Summers, being bound for the
He of Bermuda with two Pinnaces, the
one called the Patience, wherein he sailed
himselfe, set saile from James Towne in
Virginia, the ninteenth of June, 16 10. June 19.
The two and twentieth at noone we '6 10.
came to an anchor at Cape Henry, to
take more balast. The weather proved very wet : so
wee road under the Cape till two of the clocke, the
three and twentieth in the morning. Then we weighed
and stood off to Sea, the wind at South-west. And
till eight of the clocke at night it was all Southerly,
and then that shifted to South-west. The Cape then
bearing West, about eight leagues off. Then wee stirred
away South-east. The foure and twentieth, at noone
I observed the Sunne, and found my selfe to bee in
thirtie sixe degrees, fortie seven minutes, about twentie
leagues off from the Land. From the foure and
twentieth at noone, to the five and twentieth at noone,
sixe leagues East, the wind Southerly, but for the most
part it was calme. From the five and twentieth at
noone, to the sixe and twentieth about sixe of the
clocke in the morning, the winde was all Southerly, and
but little. And then it beganne to blow a fresh gale
at West South-west. So by noone I had sailed four-
teene leagues East, South-east pricked. From the sixe
and twentieth at noone, to the seven and twentieth at
noone, twentie leagues East, South-east. The wind
73
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
shifting from the "West, South-west Southerly, and so
to the East, and the weather faire, but close. From the
seven and twentieth at noone, to the eight and twentieth
at noone, sixe and twentie leagues East, South-east, the
wind shifting backe againe from the East to the West.
Then by mine observation I found the ship to be in
thirtie five degrees fiftie foure minutes. From the eight
and twentieth at noone, to the nine and twentieth at
[IV. ix. noone, thirtie sixe leagues East by South, the wind at
>7S9-] West, North-west. Then by my observation I found
the ship to be in thirtie five degrees, thirtie minutes
pricked. From the nine and twentieth at noone, to
the thirtieth at noone, thirtie five leagues East, South-
east. The winde shifting betweene West, North-west,
and West, South-west, blowing a good fresh gale. Then
by my observation I found the ship to be in thirtie foure
degrees, fortie nine minutes pricked. From the thirtieth
of June at noone, to the first of July at noone, thirtie
leagues South-east by East, the winde at west, then
I found the ship in thirtie foure degrees pricked.
From the first of July at noone, to the second at
noon, twentie leagues East, South-east southerly, the-
wind West, then I found the ship to bee in thirtie three
degrees, thirtie minutes pricked, the weather very faire.
From the second at noone, to the third at foure of the
clocke in the afternoone it was calme, then it beganne
to blow a resonable fresh gale at South-east : so I made
account that the ship had driven about sixe leagues In
that time East. The sea did set all about the West.
From that time to the fourth at noone, seventeene
leagues East by North, the wind shifting betweene
South-east and South South-west, then I found the ship
to bee in thirtie three degrees, fortie minutes, the weather
continued very faire. From the fourth at noone, to
the fifth at noone, ten leagues South-east, the wind and
weather as before, then I found the ship to be in thirtie
three degrees, seventeene minutes pricked. From the
fift at noone, to the sixt at noone, eight leagues South-
74
SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1610.
west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees,
fiftie seven minutes pricked ; the wind and weather
continued as before, only we had a small showre or
two of raine. From the sixt at noone, to the seventh
at noone, seventeene leagues East by North, then I
found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees, the wind
and weather as before. From the seventh at noon,
to the eight at noone, fourteene leagues North-east,
then I found the ship to be in thirtie three degrees,
thirtie two minutes, the wind and weather continued
as before. From the eight at noon to the ninth at
noone, five leagues South-east, there I found the ship
to be in thirtie three degrees, twentie one minutes, 33. degrees,
the wind at South-west, the weather very faire. From 21- »«»«'"•
the ninth at noone, to the tenth at noone, five leagues
South, the wind westerly ; but for the most part it was
calme, and the weather very faire. From the tenth
at noone, to the eleventh at noone it was calme, and Calm.
so continued untill nine of the clocke the same night,
then it began to blow a reasonable fresh gale at South-
east, and continued all that night betweene South-east
and South, and untill the twelfth day at noone : by
which time I had sailed fifteene leagues West southerly :
then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees, thirtie 33. degrees,
minutes. From that time to foure of the clocke the 3°- minutes.
twelfth day in the morning twelve leagues West by
North, the wind all southerly, and then it shifted
betweene South and South-west, then wee tacked about
and stood South-east, and South-east by South : so
by noone I had sayled five leagues South-east by East ;
then I found the ship in thirtie three degrees ten minutes.
From the thirteenth at noone, to the fourteenth at
noone, twenty leagues South-east by East, the wind
shifting betweene the South-west, and West South-
west, then I found the ship to be in thirtie two degrees,
thirtie five minutes. From the fourteenth at noone,
to the fifteenth at noone, twentie leagues South-east,
then I found the ship to be in thirty two degrees, the 32- degrees.
75
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIM ES
1610.
wind as before : then we tacked about, and lay North-
west by West. From the fifteenth at noone, to the
sixteenth at noone, twelve leagues North by West, the
wind shifting betweene South-west and West, and
the weather very stormy, with many sudden gusts of
wind and rayne.
And about sixe of the clocke in the afternoone, being
to windward of our Admirall I bare up under his lee :
He speakes who when I hayled him, told me that he would tack
with the it up no longer, because hee was not able to keepe
Admirall. ^^ ^^^ ^^^ longer, for lacke of a road and water :
but that hee would presently steere away North North-
They saile west, to see if he could fetch Cape Cod. Which
toward Cape vvithout delay he put in execution. His directions
■ I followed : so from the sixteenth day at noone, to
the seventeenth at noone I had sailed thirtie eight
leagues North North-west : then I found my ship
to be in thirtie foure degrees, ten minutes. The
seventeenth and eighteenth dayes were very wet and
stormy, and the winds shifting all points of the
Compasse. The nineteenth day, about foure of the
clocke in the morning it began to cleere up, and then
we had a very stifFe gale betweene East and North-
east. From the seventeenth at noone, to the nineteenth
at noone, I had sayled fiftie five leagues North
North-west, then I found the ship to be thirtie sixe
degrees, thirty minutes. From the nineteenth at noone,
to the twentieth at noone, thirty five leagues North-west :
then I was in thirty seven degrees, fifty two minutes,
the weather now was fairer and the wind all easterly.
From the twentieth at noone, to the twentie one at
noone, we sayled twenty leagues North by West, the
wind betweene East and South-east, and the weather
very faire : At the sunne setting I observed, and
Westerly found thirteene degrees, and an halfe of westerly
X'T^rVa variation, and untiU midnight we had a reasonable
j^aljr_ fresh gale of wind all southerly, and then it fell
calme and rained, and so continued very little wind
76
SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1610.
untill the two and twentieth at noone, and shifting
all the points of the Compasse : yet by mine observation
that I made then, I found that the ship had run
twentie five leagues North, for I found her to be
in forty degrees, one minute, which maketh me thinke 40. degrees,
that there was some tide or current that did set ■• »"»"'^-
Northward. Againe, those that had the second watch fI'"^',L
i-<i • 1 • 1-1 setting 10 tne
did say, That m their watch they did see a race, j^orthward.
and that the ship did drive apace to the Northward,
when she had not a breath of wind.
From the two and twentieth at noone, untill ten [IV. ix.
of the clocke at night, we had a fresh gale of wind, 1760.]
betweene East and South-east, and then it shifted
all westerly, and so continued untill two of the clocke
the twenty three in the morning : and then it began
to be very foggy and but little wind, yet shifting A great fog.
all the points of the Compasse, and so continued
untill ten of the clocke, and then it began to cleere
up. At twelve of the clocke I observed, and then
I found the ship to be in fortie degrees fiftie minutes : 4°- ^'&- 5°-
so from the twenty two at noone, to the twenty '"'•
three at noone I had sayled twenty leagues Northward.
From the twenty three at noone, to the twenty foure,
at three of the clocke in the morning it was calme,
and then we had a reasonable fresh gale of wind all
southerly, and so it continued untill noon southerly,
in which time I had sailed twelve leagues North.
And about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, we
had forty seven fathoms of water, which water we did M- fathoms
find to be changed into a grasse green in the morning, ^"^' ,-,
yet we would not heave a lead, because our Admirall unto a greene
was so farre on head of us : who about three of the grasse.
clocke in the afternoone lay by the lee, and fished They take fish.
till I came up to him : and then I fitted my selfe
and my boat, and fished untill sixe of the clocke.
And then the Admirall fitted .his sailes, and stirred
away North, whom I followed with all the speed I
could. But before seven of the clocke there fell such
77
A.D.
l6lO.
A great fog.
Sounding.
Great fig <
ralne.
100. Cods'
taken.
The Skip
driveth.
They stand fir
the River of
Sagadahoc.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
a myst, that I was faine to shoot off a Peece, which
he answered with a Cornet that he had aboord. So
with hallowing and making a noyse one to another
all the night we kept company. About two of the
clocke, the twenty five day in the morning we tooke
in all our sailes, and lay at Hull untill five of the
clocke : and then finding but small store of fish,
we set saile and stirred away North-west, to fetch
the mayne land to relieve our selves with wood and
water, which we stood in great need of About two
of the clocke in the afternoone we tooke in all our
sailes and lay at Hull, at which time I heaved the
lead three times together, and had three sundry kindes
of soundings. The first a blacke peppery sand, full
of peble stones. The second blacke peppery, and
no stones : The third blacke peppery, and two or
three stones.
From the fourth at noone, to the twentie five, at
two of the clocke in the afternoone, I sayled thirteene
leagues West North-west : and the weather continuing
very foggy, thicke, and rainy, about five of the clocke
it began to cease, and then we began to fish, and
so continued untill seven of the clocke in betweene
thirty and forty fathoms, and then we could fish
no longer. So having gotten betweene twentie and
thirty Cods, we left for that night : and at five of
the clocke, the twenty sixe in the morning we began
to fish againe, and so continued untill ten of the
clocke, and then it would fish no longer : in which
time we had taken neere one hundred Cods, and
a couple of HoUybuts. All this while wee had betweene
thirty and forty fathoms water : before one of the
clocke in the afternoone we found the ship driven
into one hundred and twenty fathoms, and soft blacke
Ose. Then Sir George Somers sent me word, that
he would set saile, and stand in for the River of
Sagadahoc ; whose directions I followed.
Before two of the clocke we set saile, and stirred
78
SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1610.
away North-west by North, the wind South South-west,
and the weather continued very fogy. About eight
of the cloclce wee tooke in all our sailes, and lay at Hull
at that night. The seven and twentieth, about seven
of the clocke in the morning we heaved the lead, and
had no ground in one hundred and twentie fathoms.
Then I shot off a Peece, but could not heare none Veriefiggie
answere from our Admirall : and the weather was so weather.
thicke, that we could not see a Cables length from our
ship. Betweene nine and ten of the clock we did thinke
that we did heare a Peece of Ordnance to windward :
which made me suppose our Admirall had set saile,
and that it was a warning piece from him. So I set
sayle and stood close by the wind, and kept an hollowing
and a noise to try whether I could find him againe :
the wind was at South-west, and I stood away West
North-west. From the sixe and twentieth, at two of The thick fog
the clocke in the afternoone, to eight of the clocke at cmtinueth.
night I had sayled nine leagues North-west. The
seven and twentieth at noone I heaved the Lead, in
one hundred and twenty fathoms, and had no ground.
Then I stirred away North-west, till foure of the clocke
at night : then I heaved the Lead againe one hundred
and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I tooke
all my sailes and lay at Hull, and I had sayled seven
leagues North-west. The eight and twentieth, at seven
of the clocke in the morning I did sound in one hundred
and twenty fathoms, and had no ground. Then I set
sayle againe, and steered away North, and North by
West. At noone I heaved in one hundred and twenty
fathoms againe, and had no ground. So I steered on
my course still, the wind shifted betweene South and
South-west, and the fog continued. At foure of The fog
the clocke in the afternoone, I heaved one hundred "ntinueth.
twenty fathoms againe, and had no ground : so I stood
on untill eight of the clocke, by which time I had sailed
twelve leagues : then I heaved the Lead againe, and
had blacke Ose, and one hundred thirty five fathoms
79
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
water. Then I tooke in all my sayles and lay at huU
untill the nine and twentieth, at five of the clocke In
the morning. Then I set saile againe, and steered away
North, and North by West. At eight of the clocke
I heaved the Lead againe, and had blacke Ose in one
hundred and thirty fathoms water. Betweene eleven
and twelve of the clocke it began to thunder, but the
The fog fogge continued not still. About two of the clocke
cmmueth. -^^ ^^^ afternoone, I went out with my Boat my selfe
and heaved the Lead, and had blacke Ose in ninety
fathoms water : by which time I had sailed six leagues
North by West more. Then I tooke in all my sayles
saving my Fore-course and Bonnet, and stood in with
[IV. ix. those sailes onely. About sixe of the clocke I sounded
1761-] againe, and then I had sixty five fathoms water. Assoone
as I came aboord it cleered up, and then I saw a small
Hand, which bare North about two leagues off; where-
upon I stood in untill eight of the clocke : And then
I stood off againe untill two of the clocke in the morn-
ing the thirtieth day. Then I stood in againe, and
about eight of the clocke I was faire aboord the Hand.
Then I manned my Boat and went on shoare, where
I found great store of Seales : And I killed three Scales
A Rocke of with my hanger. This Hand Is not halfe a mile about,
Tmtkatut ^"'^ nothing but a Rocke, which seemed to be very
full of Seales. ^"^^^ Marble stone. And a South South-west Moon
maketh a full Sea. About ten of the clocke I came
aboord againe, with some Wood that I had found upon
the Hand, for there had beene some folkes that had made
fiers there. Then I stood over to another Hand that
did beare North off me about three leagues; this small
Thesmalrocky rockie Hand lyeth in forty foure degrees. About seven
Ikndlieth in ^f ^j^g ^i^^^^ ^j^^^ -^^^ j ^^^^ ^^ ^^ anchor among
44. degrees. ti j • ■ 1 r 1 1 °.
Many Hands i"any Hands m eight fathoms water : and upon one of
In eight these Hands I fitted my selfe with Wood and Water,
fathoms water, and Balast.
Augfist 3. The third day of August, being fitted to put to Sea
againe, I caused the Master of the ship to open the
80
SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1610.
boxe wherein my Commission was, to see what directions
I had, and for what place I was bound to shape my
course. Then I tried whether there were any fish there
or not, and I found reasonable good store there ; so Resonable
I stayed there fishing till the twelfth of August: and store of fsh.
then finding that the fishing did faile, I thought good
to returne to the Hand where I had killed the Seales,
to see whether I could get any store of them or not ;
for I did find that they were very nourishing meate,
and a great reliefe to my men, and that they would be
very well saved with salt to keepe a long time. But
when I came thither I could not by any meanes catch
any. The fourteenth day at noone I observed the Sun,
and found the Hand to lie in forty three degrees, forty Seale Rocke in
minutes. Then I shaped my course for Cape Cod, to 43- deg. +1.
see whether 1 could get any fish there or not : so by ""•
the fifteenth that noone, I had sailed thirty two leagues ^
South-west, the wind for the most part was betweene
North-west and North. From the fifteenth at noone,
to the sixteenth at noone I ran twenty leagues South,
the wind shifting betweene West and South-west. And
then I sounded and had ground in eighteene fathoms
water, full of shels and peble stones of divers colours,
some greene, and some blewish, some like diamants, and
some speckled. Then I tooke in all my sayles, and set
all my company to fishing, and fished till eight of the
clocke that night: and finding but little fish there, I
set sayle againe, and by the seventeenth at noone I had
sayled ten leagues West by North, the wind shifting
betweene South and South-west. From noone, till sixe
of the clocke at night, foure leagues North-west, the
wind shifting betweene West and South-WesL Then
it did blow so hard that I tooke in all my sayles, and
lay at hull all that night, untill five of the clock the
eighteenth day in the morning: and then I set saile
againe, and by noone I had sailed foure leagues North-
west, the wind betweene West and South-west. From
the eighteenth at noone, to the nineteenth at noone ten
XIX 81 F
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6io.
leagues West by West, the wind shifting betweene South
and South-west, and the weather very thick and foggy.
Thick and About seven of the clocke at night the fogge began
figgie weather. ^ breake away, and the wind did shift westerly, and by
midnight it was shifted to the North, and there it did
blow very hard untill the twenty at noone: but the
weather was very cleere, and then by my observation I
41. deg. 4|. found the ship to bee in the latitude of forty one
""■ degrees, forty foure minutes, and I had sailed twenty
leagues South-west by West. From the nineteenth at
noone, to the twentieth at noone : about two of the
clocke in the afternoone I did see an Hed-land, which
did beare off me South-west, about foure leagues : so I
Cape Cod. steered with it, taking it to bee Cape Cod ; and by foure
The sholdes of of the clocke I was fallen among so many shoales, that
Cape Cod. jj ^^g gyg Q^ j.jjg clocke the next day in the morning
before I could get cleere of them, it is a very dangerous
place to fall withall : for the shoales lie at the least ten
leagues off from the Land ; and I had upon one of
them but one fathom and an halfe water, and my Barke
did draw seven foot. This Land lyeth South-west, and
North-east, and the shoales lie off from it South and
South by West, and so along toward the North. At
the North-west by West Guards I observed the North-
starre, and found the ship to be in the latitude of fortie
The middle of One degrees, fiftie minutes, being then in the middle of
the Sholdes in the Sholdes : and I did finde thirteene degrees of
41. deg. 50. -westerly variation then likewise. Thus finding the
1 5. degrees of pl^ce not to be for my turne, assoon as I was cleere of
westerly these dangers, I thought it fit to returne to James
Variation. Towne in Virginia, to the Lord De-lawarre, my Lord
Governour, and there to attend his command: so I
shaped my course for that place. And the one and
twentieth day by noone I had brought my selfe South
South-west thirtie three leagues from this Cape: and I
had the wind shifting all this while betweene North
and North-west, and the weather very faire and cleere.
From the one and twentieth at noone, to the two
82
SAMUEL ARGOLL ad.
1610.
and twentieth at noone, I ran thirtie leagues South-
West by West, and then by mine observation I found
the ship to be in thirtie nine degrees, thirtie sixe minutes :
and I had twelve degrees westerly variation, and the \z. degrees of
wind shifting betweene North and North-east, and the ^"''J'h
weather very faire and cleere. From the two and
twentieth at noone, to the three and twentieth at
noone, nine leagues South-west by West; and then
by observation I did find the ship in thirtie nine
degrees, twentie foure minutes, and I had eleven ' ' • degrees of
degrees of westerly variation : and there did blow but ^"^'^^^
very little wind, and shifting betweene West and North,
and the weather very faire and cleere. From the three [IV. ix.
and twentieth at noone to the foure and twentieth at 1762]
noone eighteene leagues South-west, and then I found
the shippe to be in thirtie eight degrees fortie two
minutes: and I had twelve degrees of Westerly Varia- \z. degrees of
tion, and the wind shifting betweene North and West, tf^esterly
and the weather very faire. variation.
From the foure and twentieth at noone, to the five
and twentieth at noone, two and twentie leagues West
by South, the wind shifting betweene North and East.
And then I found the ship to bee in thirtie eight degrees
five and twentie minutes, and the same Variation that I
had before, and the weather very faire.
From the five and twentieth at noone, to the six and
twentieth at noone, five and twentie leagues Westerly,
the wind all shifting betweene South and South-west.
And I had thirteene degrees five and twentie minutes ii.deg.zi^.
of Westerly Variation. About sixe of the clocke at night ""• "f
the water was changed, and then I sounded and had red j,J^'^[ig„
sandie ground in twelve fathomes water about twelve
leagues from the shore.
The seven and twentieth by day in the morning, I
was faire aboord the shore, and by nine of the clocke
I came to an Anchor in nine fathomes in a very great
Bay, where I found great store of people which were
very kind, and promised me that the next day in the
83
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1610.
morning they would bring me great store of Come.
But about nine of the clocke that night the winde
shifted from South-west to East North-east. So I
weighed presently, and shaped my course to Cape
Charles. This Bay lyeth in Westerly thirtie leagues.
And the Souther Cape of it lyeth South South-east and
North North-west, and in thirtie eight degrees twentie
minutes of Northerly Latitude.
The eight and twentieth day, about foure of the
clocke in the afternoone I fell among a great many
Many shales of shoales, about twelve leagues to the Southward of
12. leagues to Cape La Warre. So there I came to an Anchor in
'qJ^^II "^ three fathomes water, the winde beeing then all Easterly,
Wane. ^"^ rode there all that Night.
The nine and twentieth in the morning I weighed
againe, the wind being all Southerly, and turned until!
night, and then I came to an Anchor in seven fathomes
water in the offing to Sea.
How the tyde did set there, or whether that there
did run any current or not, I cannot say ; but I could
find neither current nor tyde.
The thirtieth in the morning I weighed againe, the
wind still Southerly, and turned all that day, but got
very little, so at Evening I stood ofF to Sea untill
midnight, and then stood in againe.
The one and thirtieth, about seven of the clocke at
Cape Charles, night I came to an Anchor under Cape Charles in foure
fathomes, and one third part water, and rode there all
that night.
84
LORD DE LA WARRE
A.D.
161I.
Chap. VIII.
A short Relation made by the Lord De-La- Warre,
to the Lords and others of the Counsel! of
Virginia, touching his unexpected returne
home, and afterwards delivered to the generall
Assembly of the said Company, at a Court
holden the twentie five of June, 1 6 1 1 . Pub-
lished by authoritie of the said Counsell.
My Lords, &c.
Eing now by accident returned from my
Charge at Virginia, contrary either to
my owne desire or other mens expecta-
tions, who spare not to censure mee,
in point of dutie, and to discourse and
question the reason, though they appre-
hend not the true cause of my returne,
I am forced (out of a willingnesse to satisfie every man)
to deliver unto your Lordships, and the rest of this
Assembly, briefly (but truly) in what state I have lived,
ever since my arrivall to the Colonie ; what hath beene
the just occasion of my sudden departure thence; and
in what termes I have left the same : The rather because
I perceive, that since my comming into England, such
a coldnesse and irresolution is bred in many of the
Adventurers, that some of them seeke to withdraw
those payments, which they have subscribed towards
the Charge of the Plantation, and by which that Action
must be supported and mayntained, making this my
returne, the colour of their needlesse backwardnesse and
unjust protraction. Which, that you may the better
understand, I must informe your Lordships, that pre-
sendy after my arrivall in James Towne, I was wel-
commed by a hot and violent Ague, which held me a
time, till by the advice of my Physition, Doctour
85
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1611.
Lawrence Bohun (by bloud letting) 1 was recovered as
in my first Letters by Sir Thomas Gates, I have informed
you. That Disease had not long left me, till (within
three weekes after I had gotten a little strength) I
Lord La began to be distempered with other grievous sicknesses,
^chle's'se^""'^ which successively and severally assailed mee : for besides
a relapse into the former Disease, which with much
more violence held me more then a moneth, and brought
[IV. ix. me to great weaknesse, the Flux surprized mee, and
1763] kept me many dayes ; then the Crampe assaulted my
weake bodie, with strong paines ; and afterwards the
Gout (with which I had heretofore beene sometime
troubled) afflicted me in such sort, that making my
bodie through weaknesse unable to stirre, or to use
any manner of exercise, drew upon me the Disease
called the Scurvy ; which though in others it be a
sicknesse of slothfulnesse, yet was in me an effect of
weaknesse, which never left mee, till I was upon the
point to leave the World.
These severall Maladies and Calamities, I am the more
desirous to particularise unto your Lordshippes (although
they were too notorious to the whole Colonic) lest any
man should misdeeme that under the generall name and
common excuse of sicknesse, I went about to cloke either
sloth, or feare, or any other base apprehension, unworthy
the high and Honorable Charge, which you had
entrusted to my Fidelitie.
In these extremities I resolved to consult my friends,
Who finding Nature spent in mee, and my body almost
consumed, my paines likewise daily encreasing, gave me
advise to prefer a hopefuU recovery, before an assured
ruine, which must necessarily have ensued, had I lived
but twentie dayes longer in Virginia : wanting at that
instant, both food and Physicke, fit to remedy such extra-
ordinary Diseases, and restore that strength so desperately
decayed.
Whereupon, after a long consultation held, I resolved
by generall consent and perswasion, to ship my selfe for
86
LORD DE LA WARRE a.d.
1611.
Mevis, an Island in the West Indies, famous for wholse-
some Bathes, there to try what helpe the Heavenly
Providence would afFoord mee, by the benefit of the
hot Bath : but God, who guideth all things, according
to his good will and pleasure, so provided, that after
we had sayled an hundred Leagues, we met with Southerly
windes which forced mee to change my purpose (my bodie
being altogether unable to endure the tediousnesse of a
long Voyage) and so steere my course for the Westerne
Hands, which I no sooner recovered, then I found helpe for
my health, and my sicknesse asswaged, by meanes of fresh
Diet, and especially of Orenges and Lemons, an undoubted Orenges and
remedy and medicine for that Disease, which lastly, and so ^'^<^J. i""^
long, had afflicted me : which ease as soone as I found, I Scurvie.
resolved (although my body remayned still feeble and
weake) to returne backe to my charge in Virginia againe,
but I was advised not to hazard my selfe before I had
perfectly recovered my strength, which by counsell I was
perswaded to seeke in the naturall Ayre of my Countrey,
and so I came for England. In which Accident, I doubt
not but men of reason, and of judgement will imagine,
there would more danger and prejudice have happened
by my death there, then I hope can doe by my
returne.
In the next place, I am to give account in what estate I
left the Colonic for government in my absence. It may
please your Lordships therefore to understand, that upon
my departure thence, I made choice of Captaine George Master
Percie (a Gentleman of honour and resolution, and of George Perde
no small experience in that place) to remayne Deputie ^^P"^*^ '^^^
/- •!, 1 • /- 1 •»« 1 11 n- the commtng of
vjovernour, untill the commmg of the Marshall Sir j^y j' d^i^
Thomas Dale, whose Commission was likewise to be Marshall.
determined, upon the arrivall of Sir Thomas Gates,
according to the intent and order of your Lordships,
and the Councell here.
The number of men I left there, were upward of 200. left
two hundred, the most in health, and provided of a '^""e-
least ten moneths victuals, in their Store-house (which
87
A.D.
161I.
Trade by Cap.
Argoll.
Three Torts.
Sir T. Gates
his second
voyage.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
is daily issued unto them) besides other helps in the
Countrey, lately found out by Captaine Argoll by-
trading with pettie Kings in those parts, who for a
small returne of a piece of Iron, Copper, &c. have
consented to trucke great quantities of Corne, and
willingly imbrace the intercourse of TrafEque, shewing
unto our people certaine signes of amitie and affection.
And for the better strengthening and securing of the
Colonie, in the time of my weaknesse there, I tooke
order for the building of three severall Forts, two of
which are seated neere Point Comfort, to which adjoyneth
a large circuit of ground, open, and fit for Corne : the
third Fort is at the Falls, upon an Hand invironed also
with Corne ground. These are not all manned, for 1
wanted the commoditie of Boats, having but two, and
one Barge, in all the Countrey, which hath beene cause
that our fishing hath beene (in some sort) hindered for
want of those provisions, which easily will be remedied
when we can gaine sufficient men to bee imployed about
those businesses, which in Virginia I found not : but since
meeting with Sir Thomas Gates at the Cowes neere Ports-
mouth, (to whom I gave a particular account of all my
proceedings, and of the present estate of the Colonie
as I left it) I understood those wants are supplyed in his
Fleet.
The Country is wonderfuU fertile and very rich, and
makes good whatsoever heretofore hath beene reported of
it, the Cattell alreadie there, are much encreased, and
thrive exceedingly with the pasture of that Countrie :
The Kine all this last Winter, though the ground was
covered most with Snow, and the Season sharpe, lived
without other feeding then the grasse they found, with
which they prospered well, and many of them readie
to fall with Calve : Milke beeing a great nourishment
and refreshing to our people, serving also (in occasion) as
well for Physicke as for food, so that it is in no way to
be doubted, but when it shall please God that Sir Thomas
Dale, and Sir Thomas Gates, shall arrive in Virginia, with
88
LORD DE LA WARRE a.d.
1611.
their extraordinary supply of one hundred Kine, and two loo.Kineand
hundred Swine, besides store of all manner of other provi- ^°°- ^"'"^
sions for the sustenance and maintenance of the Colonic, ""''
there will appeare that successe in the Action as shall give
no man cause of distrust that hath alreadie adventured,
but encourage every good minde to further so worthy [IV. ix.
a worke, as will redound both to the glory of God, to 1764-]
the credit of our Nation, and to the comfort of all
those that have beene Instruments in the furthering
of it.
The last Discovery, during my continuall sicknesse,
was by Captaine Argoll, who hath found a Trade with
Patamack (a King as great as Powhatan, who still K. and R.
remaynes our Enemie, though not able to doe us P"'"""":^-
hurt.) This is in a goodly River called Patomack,
upon the borders whereof there are growne the goodliest
Trees for Masts, that may bee found else-where in the
World : Hempe better then English : growing wild in
abundance : Mynes of Antimonie and Lead.
There is also found without our Bay to the Northward
an excellent fishing Banke for Cod and Ling, as good as
can be eaten, and of a kind that will keepe a whole yeere
in ships hold, with little care ; a triall whereof I now have
brought over with me. Other Hands there are upon our
Coasts, that doe promise rich Merchandize, and will
further exceedingly the establishing of the Plantation, by
supply of many helpes, and will speedily afFoord a returne
of many worthy commodities.
I have left much ground in part manured to receive
Corne, having caused it the last Winter to be sowed
for Roots, with which our people were greatly releeved.
There are many Vines planted in divers places, and
doe prosper well, there is no want of any thing, if the
action can be upheld with constancie and resolution.
Lastly, concerning my selfe and my course, though the
World may imagine that this Countrie and Climate, will
(by that which I have suffered beyond any other of that
Plantation) ill agree with the state of my bodie, yet I am
89
A.D.
161I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
so farre from shrinking or giving over this honourable
Enterprize, as that I am willing and readie to lay all that
I am worth upon the adventure of the Action, rather then
so Honourable a Worke should faile, and to returne with
all the convenient expedition I may, beseeching your
Lordships and the rest, not onely to excuse my former
wants, happened by the Almightie Hand : but to second
my Resolutions with your friendly indevours : that both
the State may receive Honour, your selves Profit, and
I future Comfort, by beeing imployed (though but as
a weake Instrument) in so great an Action.
And thus having plainly, truly, and briefly delivered the
cause of my returne, with the state of our aflaires, as
we now stand, I hope every worthy and indifferent hearer,
will by comparing my present resolution of returne, with
the necessitie of my comming home, rest satisfied with
this true and short Declaration.
Chap. IX.
Letter of Sir Samuell Argoll touching his
Voyage to Virginia, and Actions there :
Written to Master Nicholas Hawes. June
1613.
Aster Hawes, within seven weekes after
my departure from the Coast of England,
being the three and twentieth of July,
161 2. I fell with the Coast of Virginia,
in the Latitude of fortie degrees. The
twelfth of September, with all my men in
good health, the number being sixtie two,
and all my victuals very well conditioned : my course being
fiftie leagues to the Northward of the Azores. The
seventeenth, I arrived at Point Comfort, where by the
Sir T. Gates, discreet and provident government of Sir Thomas Gates,
Sir T. Dak. and great paines and hazard of Sir Thomas Dale, I found
both the Countrey and people in farre better estate there,
90
SIR SAMUEL ARGOLL ad.
1612.
then the report was by such as came home in Sir Robert
Mansfields ship. From my arrivall untill the first of
November, I spent my time in helping to repaire such
ships and Boats, as I found heere decayed for lacke of
Pitch and Tarre : and in pursuing the Indians with Sir
Thomas Dale, for their Corne, of which we got some
quantitie, which we were like to have bought very
deerely : for by the Providence of God, Sir Thomas
Dale escaped killing very narrowly. Then about the The
beginning of November, by the advice of Sir Thomas Delwerance.
Gates, I carried Sir Thomas Dale to Sir Thomas Smiths ^^^ j^^^^^ ^
Hand, to have his opinion of the inhabiting of it : who, Namamund.
after three dayes march in discovering it, approved very His Voyage to
well of the place : and so much the better, because we ^'J' J- ^'""'"
found abundance of fish there, and very great Cod, which
we caught in five fathome water, of which we are in hope
to get a great quantitie this Summer, for the reliefe of
our men, as also to find safe passage for Boats and Barges
thither, by a cut out of the bottome of our Bay, into the
De la Warre Bay. For which fishing and better Dis- ^e la War
covery, I have my ship readie, with my Company in •''■
as good health, as at my arrivall, and as they have
continued ever since : for which, God be glorified, to
whom we give daily thankes, for the continuance of
his mercy.
After my returne from Sir Thomas Smiths Hand, I His first
fitted my ship to fetch Corne from Patowomeck, by ^'oyg' "
trading with the Indians, and so set sayle from Point and p""" ok
Comfort the first of December : and being entred into River.
Penbrooke River, I met with the King of Pastancie a Ayapassus the
hunting, who went presently aboord with me, seeming to ^^roance of
be very glad of my comming, and told me that all the ^'"'''""'•
Indians there were my very great friends, and that they
had good store of Corne for mee, which they had provided
the yeere before, which we found to be true. Then I
carried my ship presently before his Towne, and there
built me a stout shallop, to get the Corne aboord withall, [IV. ix.
which being done, and having concluded a peace with '765]
91
A.D.
I6l2.
*Caf. Web,
Ensigne Sttii/t,
i^ Rob.
Sparkesl^ two
Boyes.
iioo. bushels
of Come.
The second
voyage to Pen-
brooke River.
Note.
Great store of
Oxen in
Penbrooke
River.
A Myne.
A medicinable
Earth.
A water that
hath the taste
of Allum.
An Earth like
Gumme.
A red Earth
like Terra
sigillata.
The great
King
Patowomeck.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
divers other Indian Lords, and likewise given and taken *
Hostages : I hasted to James Towne, beeing the first
of January, and arrived at Point Comfort the first of
February.
In this Voyage I got iioo. bushels of Corne, which I
delivered into the severall Store- houses, according unto the
direction of Sir T. Gates : besides the quantitie of 300.
bushels, reserved for mine Company. As soone I had
unladen this Corne, I set my men to the felling of Timber,
for the building of a Frigat, which I left halfe finished in
the hands of the Carpenters at Point Comfort, the 19. of
March : and returned my selfe with the ship into Pem-
brook River, and so discovered to the head of it, which is
about 65. leagues into the Land, and navigable for any
ship. And then marching into the Countrie, I found
great store of Cattle as big as Kine, of which, the Indians
that were my guides, killed a couple which wee found to
be very good and wholsome meate, and are very easie to
be killed, in regard they are heavy, slow, and not so wild
as other beasts of the Wildernesse. In this journie I like-
wise found a Myne, of which I have sent a triall into
England : and likewise a strange kind of Earth, the
vertue whereof I know not ; but the Indians eate it
for Physicke, alleaging that it cureth the sicknesse and
paine of the belly. I likewise found a kind of water
issuing out of the Earth, which hath a tart taste much
like unto Allum-water, it is good and wholsome : for my
men did drinke much of it, and never found it otherwise.
I also found an earth like a Gumme, white and cleere;
another sort red, like Terra sigillata ; another very white,
and of so light a substance, that being cast into the water,
it swimmeth.
Whilst I was in this businesse, I was told by certaine
Indians, my friends, that the Great Powhatans Daughter
Pokahuntis was with the great King Patowomeck,
whether I presently repaired, resolving to possesse my
selfe of her by any stratagem that I could use, for the
ransoming of so many Englishmen as were prisoners with
92
SIR SAMUEL ARGOLL a.d.
1613.
Powhatan : as also to get such armes and tooles, as hee,
and other Indians had got by murther and stealing from
others of our Nation, with some quantitie of Corne,
for the Colonies reliefe. So soone as I came to an
anchor before the Towne, I manned my Boate and
sent on shoare, for the King of Pastancy and Ensigne Ensile Swift.
Swift (whom I had left as a pledge of our love and truce,
the Voyage before) who presently came and brought
my pledge with him : whom after I had received, I
brake the matter to this King, and told him, that if
he did not betray Pokohuntis into my hands ; wee
would be no longer brothers nor friends. Hee alleaged,
that if hee should undertake this businesse, then Pow-
hatan would make warres upon him and his people ;
but upon my promise, that I would joyne with him
against him, hee repaired presently to his brother, the
great King of Patowomeck, who being made acquainted
with the matter, called his Counsell together : and after
some few houres deliberation, concluded rather to deliver
her into my hands, then lose my friendship : so presently,
he betrayed her into my Boat, wherein I carried her PocahuntU
aboord my ship. This done, an Indian was dispatched ^
to Powhatan, to let him know, that I had taken his
Daughter : and if he would send home the Englishmen
(whom he deteined in slaverie, with such armes and
tooles, as the Indians had gotten, and stolne) and also
a great quantitie of Corne, that then, he should have
his daughter restored, otherwise not. This newes much
grieved this great King, yet, without delay, he returned
the messenger with this answer. That he desired me
to use his Daughter well, and bring my ship into his
River, and there he would give mee my demands ; which
being performed, I should deliver him his Daughter, and
we should be friends.
Having received this answere, I presently departed
from Patowomeck, being the 13. of ApriU, and repayred
with all speed to Sir T. Gates, to know of him upon what
condition he would conclude this peace, and what he
93
A.D.
1613.
7. men freed.
His third
Discovery.
Kerned Salt
found.
May 12.
1613.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
would demand : to whom I also delivered my prisoner,
towards whose ransome within few dayes, this King sent
home seven of our men, who seemed to be very joyful!
for that they were freed from the slavery and feare of
cruell murther, which they daily before lived in. They
brought also three pieces, one broad Axe, and a long
Whip-saw, and one Canow of Come. I beeing quit
of my prisoner, went forward with the Frigat which
I had left at Point Comfort, and finished her.
Thus having put my ship in hand to be fitted for
an intended fishing Voyage, I left that businesse to be
followed by my Master with a ginge of men, and my
Lieutenant fortified on shoare with another ginge to
fell timber, and cleave plankes to build a fishing Boat ;
my Ensigne with another ginge was imployed in the
Frigat, for getting of fish at Cape Charles, and trans-
porting it to Henries Towne for the reliefe of such
men as were there : and my selfe with a fourth ginge
departed out of the River in my shallop, the first of
May, for to discover the East side of our Bay, which
I found to have many small Rivers in it, and very
good harbours for Boats and Barges, but not for ships
of any great burthen : and also great store of Inhabitants,
who seemed very desirous of our love, and so much the
rather, because they had received good reports from the
Indians of Pembrock River, of our courteous usage
of them, whom I found trading with me for Corne,
whereof they had great store. We also discovered a
multitude of Hands bearing good Medow ground, and
as I thinke, Salt might easily be made there, if there
were any ponds digged, for that I found Salt kerned
where the water had over-flowne in certaine places. Here
Is also great store of fish, both shel-fish and other. So
having discovered along the shore some fortie leagues
Northward, I returned againe to my ship, the twelfth
of May, and hasted forward my businesse left In hand
at my departure : and fitted up my ship, and built my
fishing Boate, and made readle to take the first oppor-
94
SIR SAMUEL ARGOLL ad.
1614.
tunitie of the wind for my fishing Voyage, of which I
beseech God of his mercy to blesse us.
Chap. X. [IV. ix.
^ 1766.]
Notes of Virginian Affaires in the government
of Sir Thomas Dale and of Sir Thomas Gates
till Anno 16 14. Taken out of Master Ralph
Hamor (Secretary to the Colonic) his Booke.
E found the Colonic at our arrivall there,
from the Bermudas, not living above
threescore persons therein, and those
scarce able to goe alone, of wel-nigh
six hundred, not full ten monethes
before. The reason hereof is at hand, Epery mans
for formerly, when our people were fed '^'"'' " "" .
out of the common store, and laboured ioyntly in the ^1":! JltZl.-
r 1 111 • ^ •' 11 Ue ts a proper
manurmg or the ground, and planting Corne, glad was painestaker.
that man that could slip from his labour ; nay, the most
honest of them in a generall businesse, would not take so
much faithfiill and true paines, in a weeke, as now hee
will doe in a day, neither cared they for the increase,
presuming that howsoever their harvest prospered, the
generall store must maintayne them. By which meanes
we reaped not so much Corne from the labours of thirtie
men, as three men have done for themselves. To prevent
which mischiefe hereafter Sir Thomas Dale hath taken Sir Thom
a new course, throughout the whole Colonie, by which Dales ffiod
meanes, the generall store (apparell onely excepted) shall S'^'"'^^"'-
not bee charged with any thing : and this it is, hee hath
allotted to every man in the Colonie, three English Acres
of cleere Corne ground, which every man is to mature
and tend, being in the nature of Farmers (the Bermuda
undertakers onely excepted) and they are not called unto
any service or labour belonging to the Colonie, more then
one moneth in the yeere, which shall neither be in Seed
time, or in Harvest, for which, doing no other dutie
95
A.D.
1614.
Bermuda
Ciiie.
Deere have 3.
or 4. Fawnes
at a time.
/ipossumes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
to the Colonic, they are yeerely to pay into the store two
barrels and a halfe of Corne : there to bee reserved to
keepe new men, which shall bee sent over the first yeere
after their arrivall : and even by this meanes I dare say,
our store will bee bountifully furnished, to maintayne
three or foure hundred men, whensoever they shall be
sent thither to us.
Concerning the undertaking of the Bermuda Citie, a
businesse of greatest hope, ever begun ne in our Terri-
tories there, their Patent, doth apparently demonstrate,
upon what termes and conditions they voluntarily have
undertaken that imployment. The Land is stored with
plentie and varietie of wild Beasts, Lions, BeareS, Deere
of all sorts, onely differing from ours in their increase,
having usuall, three or foure Fawnes at a time, none that
I have seene or heard of under two : the reason whereof
some of our people ascribe to the vertue of some grasse
or herbe which they eate, because our Goates oftentimes
bring forth three, and most of them two : for my part I
rather impute their fecunditie to the Providence of God,
who for every mouth provideth meate, and if this increase
were not, the Naturals would assuredly starve : for of the
Deere they kill (as doe we Beefes in England) all the
yeere long, neither sparing young nor olde, no not
the Does readie to fawne, nor the young Fawnes, (if
but two dayes olde) Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Racounes,
almost as bigge as a Foxe, as good meate as a Lambe,
Hares, wild Cats, Muske Rats, Squirrels flying, and other
of three or four sorts, Apossumes of the bignesse and
likenesse of a Pigge of a moneth old, a beast of as strange
incredible nature, she hath commonly seven young ones,
sometimes more and sometimes lesse, which at her plea^
sure till they be a moneth old or more shee taketh
up into her belly, and putteth forth againe without
hurt to her selfe or them. Of each of these beasts,
the Lion excepted, my selfe have many times eaten,
and can testifie that they are not onely tasteful!, but
also wholsome and nourishing food.
96
RALPH HAMOR ad.
1614.
There are fowle of divers sorts, Eagles wild Turkeyes Strange store
much bigger then our English Cranes, Herons white "ffi'^^^.' "
and russet Hawkes, wilde Pidgeons (in Winter beyond q^'i'jI"
number or imagination, my selfe have scene three or
foure houres together flockes in the Aire, so thicke
that even they have shadowed the Skie from us)
Turkeyes, Buzzards, Partridge, Snipes, Owles, Swannes,
Geese, Brants, Ducke and Mallard, Droeis, Shel-drakes,
Cormorants, Teale, Widgeon, Curlewes, Puits, besides
other small birds, as Black-birds, Hedge-Sparrowes, Oxe-
eyes, Wood-peckers, and in Winter about Christmasse
many flockes of Parakertoths.
For fish, the Rivers are plentifully stored, with Stur-
geon, Porpasse, Base, Rockfish, Carpe, Shad, Herring,
Ele, Catfish, Perch, Flat-fish, Trout, Sheepes-head,
Drummers, Jarfish, Crevises, Crabbes, Oysters and
divers other kindes, of all which my selfe hath scene
great quantitie taken, especially the last Summer at
Smiths Hand, at one hale a Frigots lading of Sturgion, A Frigats
Base and other great fish in Captaine Argals Saine : l^dingtakenat
and even at the very place which is not above fifteene °"' '^""^ ''
miles from Point Comfort, if we had beene furnished
with salt, to have saved it, wee might have taken as
much fish as would have served us that whole
yeerc.
To goe yet a little further, I my selfe know no one
Countrey ycelding without Art or industry so many
fruits ; Grapes, Strawberries, Mulberries, Maricocks, of
fashion of a Lemmon, whose blosiome may admit com-
parison with our most delightsome and beautifuU Flowers, Talre flowres.
and the fruit exceeding pleasant and tastfuU : Chesnut- [IV. ix.
trees towardes the Falls as many as Oakes, and as fertill, ' /^y-]
many goodly Groves of Chincomen-trees, with a huske
like unto a Chesnut, raw or boiled, luscious and heartie
meat : Walnuts of three or foure sorts, whereof there
might bee yeerely made great quantitie of Oyles, as use-
full and good as that of Olives : Some Filberds have I
scene, Crabs great store, lesse, but not so sower as ours, Crabs.
XIX 97 G
A.D.
1614.
Sir Tho. Daks
going to
Firginia,
A. 161 1, in
eight weekes.
Retchlesse
wretches.
His care and
imploiment.
R. Nansa-
mund.
Wise severitie
remedie to
slothfull
secuntie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
which grafted with the Siens of English Apple-trees,
without question would beare very good fruit.
In May, 161 1. Sir Thomas Dale, with a prosperous
passage, not full eight weekes arrived there, with him
about three hundred people, such as for the present speed
and dispatch could then bee provided, of worse condition
then those formerly there, who I sorrow to speake it, were
not so provident, though once before bitten with hunger
and penury, as to put Corne into the ground for their
Winters bread, but trusted to the store, then furnished
but with eight months provision. His first care therefore
was to imploy all hands about setting of Corne at the two
Forts, seated upon Kecoughtan, Henry and Charles,
whereby the season then not fully past, though about
the end of May, we had there an indifferent Crop of
good Corne.
This businesse taken order for, and the care and trust of
it committed to his under Officers ; to James Towne hee
hastened, where the most company were, and their daily
and usuall workes bowling in the streets, these he
imployed about necessary workes, as felling of Timber,
repairing their houses ready to fall upon their heads,
and providing Pailes, Posts and Railes, to impaile his
purposed new Towne, which by reason of his ignorance
in those parts, but newly arrived there, he had not
resolved where to seat. For his better knowledge
therefore of those parts, himselfe with an hundreth
men spent some time in the discovery, first of Nan-
samund River, which in despight of the Indians, then
our enemies, hee discovered to the Head, after that, our
owne River to the Falls, where upon a high Land,
invironed with the maine River, some sixteene or twentie
miles from the Head or the Falls, neere to an Indian
Towne called Arsahattocke, hee resolved to plant his
new Towne, and so did, whereof in his due place I shall
make a briefe relation.
It was no meane trouble to him, to reduce his people
so timely to good order, being of so ill a condition as may
98
RALPH HAMOR ad.
1614.
well witnesse his severe and strict Imprinted booke of
Articles, then needfUU with all severitie and extremitie
to bee executed, now much mitigated ; for more deserved
death in those dayes, then doe now the least punishment,
so as if the law should not have restrained by execution,
I see not how the utter subversion and ruine of the
Colony should have beene prevented, witnesse Webbes
and Prises designe in the first yeere, since that Abbots,
and others more dangerous then the former, and even in
this Summer, Coles and Kitchins Plot, with three more,
bending their course towards the Southward, to a Spanish
plantation reported to be there, who had travelled (it
being now a time of peace) some five daies journey to
Ocanahoen, there cut off by certaine Indians, hired by us
to hunt them home to receive their deserts.
Thus much obviously I proceed in his indevours, untill
Sir Thomas Gates his happy arrivall, which was onely in
preparing Timber, Pales, Posts, and Railes for the present
impailing this new Towne to secure himselfe, and men
from the malice and treacherie of the Indians, in the
midst and heart of whom he was resolved to set downe.
But before he could make himselfe readie for that busi-
nesse, Sir Thomas Gates happily arrived about the second -Arrivall of
of August, with sixe good Ships, men, provisions and ^ "' . ,
'^^^"^' _ sixe ships.
The worthies being met, after salutation and welcome
given and received, Sir Thomas Dale acquainted Sir
Thomas Gates, both with such businesses as he had
affected since his arrivall, and also of his resolution
to build a new Towne at the Fales : which designe and
purpose of his, Sir Thomas Gates, then principall Gover-
nour in Virginia, well approving, furnished him with
three hundred and fiftie men, such as himselfe made
choice of, and in the beginning of September, 161 1.
hee set from James Towne, and in a day and a halfe
landed at a place where hee purposed to seat and build,
where hee had beene ten daies before hee had verie
strongly impaled seven English Acres of ground for
99
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1 6 14.
a Towne, which in honour of the Noble Prince Henry
(of ever happy and blessed memory, whose Royall heart
was strongly affected to that action) hee called by the
Henrico built name of Henrico. In foure moneths space, he had
by Sir T. ^ade Henrico much better, and of more worth then all
the worke ever since the Colony began, therein done. I
should bee too tedious if I should give up the account of
every daies labour, which therefore I purposely omit, and
will onely describe the Towne, in the very state and
perfection which I left it, and first for the situation, it
stands upon a necke of a very high Land, three parts
thereof invironed with the maine River, and cut out
between two Rivers with a strong Pale, which maketh
the neck of Land an Hand. There are in this Town
three streets of well framed houses, a handsome Church &
the foundation of a more stately one laid of Brick, in
length an hundred foot, and fiftie foot wide, besides
Store-houses, Watch-houses, and such like: there are
also, as ornaments belonging to this Towne, upon the
Verge of this River, five faire Block-houses, or Com-
manders, wherein live the honester sort of people, as
in Farmes in England, and there keepe continuall
centinell for the Townes securitie, and about two miles
from the Towne into the Main, a Pale of two miles
in length cut over from River to River, guarded like-
wise with severall Commanders, with great quantitie of
Corne ground impaled, sufficient if there were no more
in the Colony secured, to maintaine with but easie manur-
[IV. ix. ing, and husbandry, more men, then I suppose will be
1768.] addressed thither (the more is the pittie) these three
yeeres.
For the further enlargement yet of this Towne, on the
other side of the River, by impaling likewise: for we
make no other fence, is secured to our use, especially for
our hogges to feed in, about twelve English miles ot
ground, by name, Hope in Faith, Coxen-Dale, secured by
five Forts, called Charity Fort, Mount Malado, a Retreat
or Guest-house for sicke people, a high seate, and whol-
RALPH HAMOR a.d.
1614.
some ayre, Elizabeth Fort, and Fort Patience : and here
hath Master Whitacres chosen his Parsonage, or Church-
land, some hundred Acres impaled, and a faire framed
Parsonage house built thereupon, called Rocke Hall.
Of this Towne, and all the Forts thereunto belonging,
hath Captaine James Davis the principall Command and
Government.
I proceed to our next and most hopefull habitation,
whether wee respect commoditie or securitie (which we
principally ayme at) against forraine designes and invasion,
I meane the Bermuda Citie, begun about Christmasse Bermuda a
last, which because it is the neerest adjoyning to Henrico, "O'-
though the last undertaken, I hold it pertinent to handle
in the next place. This Towne, or Plantation is seated
by Land, some five miles from Henrico, by water four-
teene, being the yeere before the habitation of the
Appamatucks, to revenge the treacherous injurie of
those people done unto us, taken from them, besides
all their Corne, the former before without the losse of
any, save onely some few of those Indians (pretending
our hurt) at what time Sir Thomas Dale, being himselfe
upon that service, and duely considering how commo-
dious a habitation and seate it might be for us, tooke
resolution to possesse and plant it, and at that very
instant, gave it the name of the new Bermudas, where- Hundreds set
unto he hath laid out, and annexed to bee belonging out and
to the Freedome, and Corporation for ever, many miles '^^f''"^"^'^-
of Champion, and Wood-land, in severall Hundreds, as dlsplanud.
the upper and nether Hundreds, Roch-dale Hundred, Long
Wests Sherly Hundred, and Digges his Hundred. discourses
Captaine Argalls Northward discoveries towardes fij^o^^^ ^"^^e
Sacadehoc, and beyond to Port Royall, Sancta Crux, yir^„ia is
and thereabout may not bee concealed: In which his brought to such
adventures, if he had brought home no commoditie '^^ abridge-
to the Colony (which yet he did very much, both of ""/"J '^"^^
apparell, victualls, and many other necessaries) the tTfillotv him
honour which he hath done unto our Nation, by dis- or others in
planting the French, there beginning to seat and fortifie t/"" kind.
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
within our limits, and taking of their Ship & Pinnace,
which he brought to James Towne, Would have been
reward enough for his paines, and will ever speake loud
his honour, and approved valour.
Chap. XI.
A Letter of Sir Thomas Dale, and another of
Master Whitakers, from James Towne in
Virginia, June 18. 16 14. And a piece of
a Tractate, written by the said Master
Whitakers from Virginia the yeere before.
To the R. and my most esteemed friend, M. D. M.
at his house at F. Ch. in London.
Ight Reverend Sir, by Sir Thomas Gates I
wrote unto you, of such occasions as then
presented themselves, and now againe by
this worthy Gentleman Captaine Argall I
salute you: for such is the reverend
regard I have of you, as I cannot omit
any occasion to expresse the sincere
affection I beare you. You have ever given mee
encouragements to persevere in this Religious Warfare,
untill your last Letters ; not for that you are now
lesse well affected thereunto: but because you see the
Action to be in danger of their non-performances who
undertooke the businesse. I have undertaken, and have
as faithfully, and with all my might indeavoured the pro-
secution with all alacritie, as God that knoweth the heart
can beare me record, what recompence, or what rewards,
by whom, or when I know not where to expect ; but
from him in whose Vineward I labour, whose Church
with greedy appetite I desire to erect. My glorious
Prince Henry. Master is gone, that would have ennamelled with his
favours the labors I undertake, for Gods cause, and
his immortall honour. Hee was the Great Captaine
of our Israel, the hope to have builded up this heavenly
SIR THOMAS DALE a.d.
1614.
new Jerusalem, he interred (I thinke) the whole frame of
this businesse, fell into his grave : for most mens forward
(at least seeming so) desires are quenched, and Virginia
stands in desperate hazard. You there doe your duties,
I will no way omit mine, the time I promised to labour,
is expired : it is not a yoke of Oxen hath drawne mee
from this feast : it is not the marriage of a wife makes me
hast home, though that sallat give mee an appetite to
cause me returne. But I have more care of the Stock,
then to set upon a Dye, and rather put my selfe to the
curtesie of noble and worthy censures, then ruine this
Worke; and have a Jury (nay a million) of foule
mouthed detracters, scan upon my endeavours, the ends
whereof they cannot dive into. You shall briefly under-
stand what hath betide since my last, and how we now
stand, and are likely to grow to perfection, if wee be not [IV. ix.
altogether neglected, my stay grounded upon such reason, '769-]
as had I now returned, it would have hazarded the ruine
of all.
Sir Thomas Gates having imbarked himselfe for Sir T. Daks
England, I put my selfe into Captaine Argalls ship, with jo^niy to
a hundred and fiftie men in my frigot, and other boats °"' f.''"ip,-
went unto Pamaunkie River, where Powhatan hath his is more at /urge
residence, and can in two or three dayes, draw a delhered,with
thousand men together; with me I carried his daughter, the particular
who had beene long prisoner with us, it was a day or "rcumstances
two before wee heard of them : At length they demanded i^evitie have
why wee came ; I gave for answere, that I came to omitted) by
bring him his daughter, conditionally he would (as hath ^- Hamor.
beene agreed upon for her ransome) render all the
Armes, Tooles, Swords, and men that had run away,
and to give me a ship full of Corne, for the wrong
hee had done unto us : if they would doe this, wee
would be friends, if not burne all. They demanded
time to send to their King; I assented, I taking, they
receiving two pledges, to carry my message to Pow-
hatan. All night my two men lay not farre from the
■water side, about noone the next day they told them
103
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
the great King was three dales journey ofF, that
Opochankano was hard by, to whom they would have
had them deliver their message, saying, That what hee
agreed upon and did, the great King would confirme.
This Opocankano is brother to Powhatan, and is his
and their chiefe Captaine : and one that can as soone
(if not sooner) as Powhatan command the men. But
my men refused to doe my message unto any save
Powhatan, so they were brought backe, and I sent
theirs to them ; they told me that they would fetch
Simons to me, who had thrice plaid the runnagate,
whose lyes and villany much hindred our trade for
Corne : But they delayed us, so as we went ashore they
shot at us, we were not behinde hand with them, killed
some, hurt others, marched into the Land, burnt their
houses, tooke their Corne, and quartered all night
ashoare.
The next day we went further up the River, they
dogged us and called to know whither we went ; wee
answered, To burne all, if they would not doe as we
demanded, and had beene agreed upon. They would
they said, bring all the next day so we forbare all
hostilitie, went ashoare, their men in good numbers
comming amongst us, but we were very cautious, and
Pocahuntas Stood to our Armes. The Kings daughter went ashoare,
behaviour and but would not talke to any of them, scarce to them of
report. ^^ best sort, and to them onely, that if her father
had loved her, he would not value her lesse then old
Swords, Peeces, or Axes : wherefore shee should still
dwell with the English men, who loved her. At last
came one from Powhatan, who told us, that Simons
was run away, to Nonsowhaicond, which was a truth,
as afterwards appeared, but that the other English man
was dead, that proved a lie (for since M. Hamor, whom
I employed to Powhatan brought him to mee) our
Peeces, Swords, and Tooles within fifteene dayes, should
be sent to James Towne, with some Corne, and that
his daughter should be my child, and ever dwell with
104
SIR THOMAS DALE ad.
1614.
mee, desiring to be ever friends, and named such of
his people, and neighbour Kings, as hee desired to be
included, and have the benefit of the peace, promising
if any of our men came to him, without leave from
mee, he would send them backe : and that if any of
his men stale from us, or killed our cattell, hee would
send them to us to bee punished as wee thought fit.
With these conditions wee returned, and within the
time limitted, part of our Armes were sent, and twentie
men with Corne, and promised more, which he hath
also sent. Opachankano desired I would call him Opachankano
friend, and that he might call me so, saying, Hee was rtow their hng,
a great Captaine, and did alwayes fight : that I was also ,, ^"l '^°{
D „ f . ' , , rill 11 *"' massacre.
a great Laptame, and thererore he loved mee ; and that
my friends should bee his friends. So the bargaine was
made, and every eight or ten dayes, I have messages
and presents from him, with many appearances that he
much desireth to continue friendship.
Now may you judge Sir, if the God of Battailes had
not a helping hand in this, that having our Swords
drawne, killing their men, burning their houses, and
taking their corne : yet they tendred us peace, and
strive with all alacritie to keepe us in good opinion
of them ; by which many benefits arise unto us. First,
part of our Armes, disgracefully lost long agoe (kept
by the Savages as Monuments and Trophies of our
shames) redelivered, some repaire to our Honor. Our
catell to increase, without danger of destroying, our
men at libertie to hunt freely for Venison, to fish, to
doe any thing else, or goe any whither without danger ;
to follow the husbanding of our corne securely, whereof
wee have above five hundred Acres set, and God be
praised, in more forwardnesse then any of the Indians,
that I have seene or heard of this yeeres. Roots and
Hearbs we have abundance ; all doubt of want is by
Gods blessing quite vanished, and much plentie expected.
And which is not the least materiall, wee may by this
peace come to discover the Countrey better, both by
105
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
our owne travells, and by the relation of the Savages,
as we grow in familiaritie with them.
Pocahuntas Powhatans daughter I caused to be carefully instructed
Matoallff ^" Christian Religion, who after she_ had made some
have heard she good progresse therein, renounced publikely her Countrey
was properly Idolatry, openly confessed her Christian Faith, was, as
named) at first ghge desired, baptized, and is since married to an English
calledRebecca. Gentleman of good understanding (as by his Letter unto
me, containing the reasons of his marriage of her you
may perceive) another knot to binde this peace the
stronger. Her Father and friends gave approbation to
it, and her Uncle gave her to him in the Church : shee
lives civilly and lovingly with him, and I trust will
increase in goodnesse, as the knowledge of God increaseth
in her. Shee will goe into England with mee, and were
it but the gaining of this one soule, I will thinke my
time, toile, and present stay well spent.
Since this accident, the Governours and people of
Checkahomanies, who are five hundred Bow-men, and
better, a stout and warlike Nation, have made meanes
to have us come unto them, and conclude a peace, where
all the Governours would meet me. They having thus
three or foure times importuned me, I resolved to goe;
so having Captaine Argall, with fiftie men in my Frigot
[IV. ix. and Barge I went thither : Captaine Argall with forty
1770-] men landed, I kept aboord for some reasons. Upon
the meeting they told Captaine Argall they had longed
to be friends, that they had no King, but eight great
men, who governed them. He told them that we came
to be friends, asked them if they would have King
James to be their King, and whether they would be
his men ? They after some conference betweene them-
selves, seemed willing of both, demanding if we would
fight against their enemies; he told them that if any
did them injury, they should send me word, and I would
agree them, or if their adversaries would not, then I
would let them have as many men as they would to
helpe them : they liked weU of that, and told him that
106
SIR THOMAS DALE a.d.
1614.
all their men should helpe us. All this being agreed
upon, Captaine Argall gave every Counsellour a Tama-
hawk, and a peece of Copper, which was kindely taken :
they requested further, that if their Boates should happen
to meete with our Boates, and that they said they were
the Chikahominy Englishmen, and King James his men. They called
wee would let them passe : we agreed unto it, so that '-^^ English
they pronounced themselves Englishmen, and King James ""/"^'^^'h
his men, promising within fifteene dayes to come unto themselves be
James Towne to see me, and conclude these conditions ; called. The
every Bowman being to give me as a Tribute to King particulars
Tames two measures of Corne every harvest, the two "rtic es of
•' . . 111 J 1 !/• J T agreement are
measures contammg two bushels and a halre, and 1 to i„M.Hamors
give every Bowman a small Tamahawke, and to every Booke; here
Counseller a suit of red cloath, which did much please omitted.
them. This people never acknowledged any King before,
no nor ever would acknowledge Powhatan for their King ;
a stout people they be, and a delicate seate they have.
Now Sir you see our conditions, you, and all worthy
men may judge, whether it would not be a griefe to
see these faire hopes frostbitten, and these fi-esh budding
plants to wither } which had I returned, had assuredly
followed : for here is no one that the people would have
governe them, but my selfe : for I had now come away, 5;^. 7-. D^ks
had I not found a generall desire in the best sort to report of
returne for England : Letter upon Letter, request upon Vir^nia. In
request from their friends to returne, so as I knew not '"'"»"'^"^''
~ , f , I , . . . . to the Com-
upon whom to conrerre the care or this busmesse m „,i(tees he
my absence : whom I thought fit was generally distasted, writeth that
so as seeing the eminent ensuing danger, should I have M^' "/'^^
left this multitude, not yet fully refined, I am resolved test Kingdoms
.,, , ' , ^ • -^ J 1 1 1 ■ of Christen-
to Stay till harvest be got in, and then settle things ^lome put all
according to my poore understanding, and returne : if together, may
in the interim there come no authorised Governour »" «"^y '^'""-
from England. TultfVthir
Consider I pray you, since things be brought to this ^,. commo-
passe, as you see, and that I should have come away, dities, or good-
if then through their factions, humors, mutinies, or "i"^ ofsoile.
107
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
indiscretion of the Chiefes I had left behinde, this should
fall to ruine : I then should receive the imputation, and
incurre the blame, for quitting the Plantation, although
I might doe it, both with my honour, my promised
stay of time being expired, and having warrant from
my Soveraigne, the Kings Majesty: but the precedent
reasons moved mee and that this action of such price,
such excellency and assured profit to mine owne know-
ledge should not dye to the scorne of our Nation, and
to give cause of laughter to the Papists, that desire our
ruine. I can assure you, no Country of the world affords
more assured hopes of infinite riches, which both by
mine owne peoples discovery, and the relation of such
Savages, whose fidelity we have often found, assureth
me. Oh why should so many Princes and Noblemen
ingage themselves, and thereby intermedling herein, have
caused a number of soules transport themselves, and be
transported hither ? Why should they (I say) relinquish
this so glorious an Action : for if their ends be to build
God a Church, they ought to persevere : if otherwise,
yet their honour ingageth them to be constant. How-
soever they stand affected, here is enough to content
them, let their ends be either for God, or Mammon.
These things having animated me to stay for a little
season, to leave those I am tied in conscience to returne
unto, to leave the assured benefits of my other fortunes,
the sweete society of my friends and acquaintance, with
all mundall delights, and reside here with much turmoile,
which I will constantly doe, rather then see Gods glory
diminished, my King and Countrey dishonored, and
these poore people, I have the charge of, ruined. And
so I beseech you to answer for me, if you heare me
taxed for my staying, as some may justly doe, and
that these are my chiefe motives God I take to witnesse.
Remember me, and the cause I have in hand, in your
daily meditations, and reckon me in the number of
those that doe sincerely love you and yours, and will
ever rest in all offices of a friend, to doe you service.
108
ALEXANDER WHITAKER ad.
1614.
To my very deere and loving Cosen M. G. Master
Minister of the B. F. in London. ivhUahrwas
Sir, the Colony here is much better. Sir Thomas 'on to that
Dale, our Religious and valiant Governour, hath ^^ig^i'lu
now brought that to passe, which never before could be Dw'me Doctor
effected. For by warre upon our enemies, and kinde Whitaker
usage of our friends, he hath brought them to seeice Master of S.
for peace of us, which is made, and they dare not q"^i^i^„
breake. But that which is best, one Pocahuntas or wi^^f
Matoa the daughter of Powhatan, is married to an shadowes of
honest and discreete English Gentleman Master Rolfe, '"'" "J'^ '''f
and that after she had openly renounced her Country J'^'^^jz/L
Idolatry, professed the faith of Jesus Christ, and was ^g/t deserving
baptised ; which thing Sir Thomas Dale had laboured a should neede
long time to ground in her. apolo^es
Yet notwithstanding, are the vertuous deedes of this *"""^ \ „
worthy Knight, much debased, by the Letters which j^/j^y ^i^i^j^
some wicked men have written from hence, and especially for doingsuffer
by one C. L. If you heare any condemne this noble ^^h cry whore
Knight, or doe feare to come hither, for those slanderous ■^"'' . ^
Letters, you may upon my word boldly reprove ^^"^^ justice seek to
You know that no malefactors can abide the face of he just.
the Judge, but themselves scorning to be reproved, doe [IV. ix.
prosecute with all hatred, all those that labour their '77'-]
amendment. I marvaile much that any men of honest
life, should feare the Sword of the Magistrate, which is
unsheathed onely in their defence.
But I much more muse, that so few of our English
Ministers that were so hot against the Surplis and sub-
scription : come hither where neither spoken of. Doe
they not either wilfully hide their Tallents, or keepe
themselves at home for feare of loosing a few pleasures ?
Be there not any amongst them of Moses his minde,
and of the Aposties, that forsooke all to follow Christ .''
But I referre them to the Judge of all hearts, and to
the King that shall reward every one according to the
gaine of his Talent. But you my cosen, hold fast that
109
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
which you have, and I, though my promise of thre
yeeres service to my Countrey be expired, will abide
in my vocation here untill I be lawfully called from
hence. And so betaking us all unto the mercies of God
in Christ Jesus, I rest for ever.
Part of a Tractate written at Henrico in Virginia,
by Master Alex, Whitaker, Minister to the
Colony there, which then governed by Sir
T. Dale, 161 3.
THey acknowledge that there is a great good God,
but know him not, having the eyes of their under-
standing as yet blinded: wherefore they serve the
Divell for feare, after a most base manner, sacrificing
sometimes (as I have here heard) their owne Children
to him. I have sent one Image of their god to the
Counsell in England, which is painted upon one side
of a toad-stoole, much like unto a deformed monster.
Their Priests Their Priests (whom they call Quiokosoughs) are no
and manner of ot]\Qx: but such as our English Witches are. They live
hmng. naked in body, as if their shame of their sinne deserved
no covering : Their names are as naked as their body :
they esteeme it a vertue to lye, deceive, and steale, as
their Master the Divell teacheth them. Much more
might be said of their miserable condition, but I
referre the particular narration of these things to some
other season.
These men are not so simple as some have supposed
them : for they are of body lusty, strong, and very
nimble : they are a very understanding generation, quicke
of apprehension, suddaine in their dispatches, subtile in
their dealings, exquisite in their inventions, and indus-
trious in their labour. I suppose the world hath no
better marke-men with their Bowes and Arrowes then
they be; they will kill Birds flying. Fishes swimming,
and Beasts running : they shoote also with mervailous
strength, they shot one of our men being unharmed
ALEXANDER WHITAKER a.d.
1613.
quite through the body, and nailed both his armes to
his body with one Arrow : one of their Children also,
about the age of twelve or thirteene yeeres, killed a Bird
with his Arrow in my sight. The service of their God
is answerable to their life, being performed with a great
feare and attention, and many strange dumbe shewes
used in the same, stretching forth their limbes, and
straining their body, much like to the counterfeit women
in England, who faine themselves bewitched, or possessed
of some evill spirit.
They stand in great awe of the Quiokosoughs or
Priests, which are a generation of Vipers, even of Sathans
owne brood. The manner of their life is much like to
the Popish Hermits of our age ; for they live alone in the
woods, in houses sequestred from the common course
of men, neither may any man be suffered to come into
their house or to speake with them, but when this Priest
doth call him. He taketh no care for his victuals, for
all such kinde of things both Bread and Water, &c.
are brought unto a place neere unto his cottage, and
there are left, which hee fetcheth for his proper neede.
If they would have raine, or have lost any thing, they
have their recourse to him, who conjureth for them,
and many times prevaileth. If they be sicke, he is
their Physician ; if they be wounded, he sucketh them.
At his command they make warre and peace, neither
doe they any thing of moment without him. I will
not be tedious in these strange Narrations, when I
have more perfectly entered into their secrets, you
shall know all. Finally, there is a civill government
amongst them which they strictly observe, and shew
thereby that the law of Nature dwelleth in them : for y-gt Naman-
they have a rude kinde of Common-wealth, and rough tack in his
government wherein they both honour and obey their retm-ne was
Kings, Parents, and Governours, both greater and lesse, ''t^^^^ '" Ber-
they observe the limits of their owne possessions, another
Murther is scarsly heard of: Adultery and other offences Savage his
severely punished. felhw.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1613.
The whole Continent of Virginia situate within the
degrees of 34. and 47. is a place beautified by God,
with all the ornaments of nature, and enriched with his
earthly treasures: that part of it, which we already
possesse, beginning at the Bay of Chaesapheac, and
stretching it selfe in Northerly latitude to the degrees
of 39, and 40. is interlined with seven most goodly
Jsi^.ori6. Rivers, the least whereof is equall to our River of
mi/es. Thames: and all these Rivers are so neerely joyned,
as that there is not very much distance of dry ground
betweene either of them, and those severall maine lands
are every where watered with many veines or creekes of
water, which sundry waies doe overthwart the land, and
make it almost navigable from one River to the other.
[IV. ix. Xhe commodity whereof to those that shall inhabite this
'^^^■' land is infinite, in respect of the speedy and easie trans-
portance of goods from one River to the other, I
cannot better manifest it unto you, but in advising you
to consider whether the water or land hath beene more
beneficiall to the Low-Countries. To the River which
we inhabit (commonly called Powhatans River) ebbeth
and floweth one hundred and forty miles into the
maine ; at the mouth whereof are the two Forts of
Henrico and Charles: two and forty miles upward is
the first and Mother-Christian Towne seated, called
James-Towne ; and seventy miles beyond that upward,
is the new Towne of Henrico built, and so named in
the memory of Noble Prince Henry of lasting and
blessed memory : tenne miles beyond this is a place
called the Fals, because the River hath there a great
descent falling downe between many minerall Rockes
which be there : twelve miles farther beyond this place
Christall is there a Christall Rocke wherewith the Indians doe
Rock. head many of their Arrowes : three dayes journey from
thence is there a Rock or stony hill found, which is
in the top covered all over with a perfect and most rich
Silver oare. Our men that went to discover those parts
had but two Iron Pickaxes with them, and those so ill
ALEXANDER WHITAKER a.d.
1613.
tempered, that the points of them turned againe, and
bowed at every stroake, so that we could not search
the entrailes of the place, yet some triall was made of
that oare with good successe, and argument of much
hope. Six dayes journey beyond this Mine a great
ridge of high hils doe runne along the maine land, not
farre from whom the Indians report a great Sea doth
runne, which we commonly call a South Sea, but in
respect of our habitation is a West Sea, for there the
Sun setteth from us. The higher ground is much like
unto the molde of France, clay and sand being pro-
portionably mixed together at the top ; but if we digge
any depth (as we have done for our Bricks) we finde
it to be red clay, full of glistering spangles. There be
many rockie places in all quarters; & more then pro-
bable likelihoods of rich Mines of all sorts : though I
knew all, yet it were not convenient at this time that I
should utter all, neither have wee had meanes to search
for any thing as we ought, thorough present want of
men, and former wants of provision for the belly. As
for Iron, Steele, Antimonium, and Terrasigillata, they
have rather offered themselves to our eyes and hands,
then bin sought for of us. The Ayre of the Countrey y^yre and
(especially about Henrico and upward) is very temperate Seasons.
and agreeth well with our bodies. The extremity of
Summer is not so hot as Spaine, nor the cold of Winter
so sharpe as the frosts of England. The Spring and
Harvest are the two longest seasons and most pleasant,
the Summer and Winter are both but short. The Winter
is for the most part dry and faire, but the Summer
watered often with many great and sodaine showers of
raine; whereby the cold of Winter is warmed, and the
heate of Summer cooled. Many have died with us
heretofore thorough their owne filthinesse and want of
bodily comforts for sicke men; but now very few are
sicke among us: not above three persons amongst all
the inhabitants of Henrico; I would to God our soules
were no sicker then our bodies.
XIX 113 H
4D PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
,1613.
The naturall people of the Land are generally such
as you heard of before. A people to be feared of those
that come upon them without defensive Armor, but
otherwise faint-hearted (if they see their Arrowes can-
not pierce) and easie to be subdued. Shirts of Male,
or quilted cotten coates are the best defence against
them. There is but one or two of their petty Kings,
that for feare of us have desired our friendship; and
those keepe good quarter with us, being very pleasant
amongst us, and (if occasion be) serviceable unto us.
Our eldest friends be Pipisco and Choapoke, who are our
overthwart neighbours at James-Towne, and have beene
Note mil. friendly to us in our great want. The other is the
Werowance of Chescheak, who but lately traded with
us peaceably. If we were once the masters of their
Feare is the Country, and they stood in feare of us (which might
^iifn"*^°'^ with few hands imployed about nothing else, be in
cimlity. short time brought to passe) it were an easie matter to
make them willingly to forsake the Divell, to embrace
the faith of Jesus Christ, and to be baptized. Besides,
you cannot easily judge how much they would be
What use may availeable to us in our Discoveries of the Countrey, in
be made of the q^. Buildings and Plantings, and quiet provision for
our selves, when we may peaceably passe from place
to place without neede of Armes or Guard.
The meanes for our people to live and subsist here
of themselves are many and most certaine both for Beasts,
Birds, and Hearbes. The Beasts of the Countrey are
for the most part wilde : as Lyons, Beares, Wolves and
Deere : Foxes blacke and red, Rakowns, Bevers, Pos-
sowns, Squerrels, Wilde-Cats, whose skins are of great
price, and Muske-Rats which yeelde Muske as the
Muske-Cats doe. There be two kindes of Beasts
amongst these most strange ; one of them is the female
Possotun a Possowne, which will let forth her yong out of her
strange beast, belly, and take them up into her belly againe at her
pleasure without hurt to her selfe; neither thinke this
to be a Travellers tale, but the very truth ; for nature
114
ALEXANDER WHITAKER ad.
1613.
hath framed her fit for that service, my eyes have beene
witnesse unto it, and we have sent of them and their
yong ones into England. The other strange conditioned
creature is the flying Squirrell, which thorough the helpe Flying
of certaine broad flaps of skin growing on each side of Squtrre/s.
her forelegs, will flye from tree to tree twenty or thirty
paces at one flight and more, if she have the benefit of
a small breath of winde. Besides these, since our com-
ming hither, we have brought both Kine, Goates, and
Hogges, which prosper well, and would multiply exceed-
ingly, if they might be provided for. This Countrey
besides is replenished with Birds of all sorts, which have
bin the best sustenance of flesh, which our men have
had since they came ; also Eagels and Haulces of all sorts, [IV. ix.
amongst whom are Auspreys, fishing Hauke, and the '773]
Cormorant. The woods be every where full of wilde
Turkies, which abound, and will runne as swift as a
Greyhound. In winter our fields be full of Cranes, Fotale.
Herons, Pigeons, Partridges and Blackbirds: the Rivers
and creekes be over-spread every where with water foule
of the greatest and least sort, as Swans, flockes of Geese
and Brants, Ducke and Mallard, Sheldrakes, Dyvers, &c.
besides many other kindes of rare and delectable Birds,
whose names and natures I cannot yet recite, but we
want the meanes to take them. The Rivers abound with
Fish both small and great; the Sea-fish come into our Fisi.
Rivers in March, & continue untill the end of September:
great sculls of Herings come in first : Shads of a great
bignesse, and Rock-fish follow them. Trouts, Base,
Flounders, and other dainty fish come in before the other
be gone : then come multitudes of great Sturgeons,
whereof we catch many, and should do more, but that
we want good Nets answerable to the breadth and deapth
of our Rivers : besides, our channels are so foule in the
bottome with great logges and trees, that we often breake
our Nets upon them : I cannot reckon nor give proper Neis.
names to the divers kindes of fresh fish in our Rivers ; I
have caught with mine Angle, Pike, Karpe, Eele, Perches
"5
A.D.
1613.
PimCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
of six severall kindes, Crea-fish, and the Torope or little
Turtle, besides many smaller kindes, &c.
Chap. XII.
Of the Lottery : Sir Thomas Dales returne : the
Spaniards in Virginia. Of Pocahantas and
Tomocomo : Captain e Yerdley and Captaine
ArgoU (both since Knighted) their Govern-
ment ; the Lord La-Warrs death, and other
occurrents till Anno 161 9.
Itherto you have heard the Authors them-
selves speak of their owne affaires. Now
we must for continuation and consumma-
tion of our Story, borrow a few Collections
from others, where the Authors themselves
have not comne to our hands. Wherein
that industrious Gentleman Captaine John
Smith still breathing Virginia, and diligent enquiry and
writing, as sometime by discovery and doing to shew
his zeale to this action (for seeing he cannot there be
employed to performe Virginian exploits worthy the
writing, here he employeth himselfe to write Virginian
affaires worthy the reading) having compiled a long
History of that and the Summer Hand plantation, and
of New England in six Bookes, hath gently communi-
cated the same to mine, that is to thine, as intended to
the Worlds use. Out of his rich fields I have gleaned
these handfuls, adding thereto the crop also of mine owne
industry.
Sir Thomas Gates returned from Virginia in March,
and Captaine Argall in June following 16 14. and so
animated by their hopefuU reports the Adventurers, that
The Lottery, the great standing Lottery was drawne Anno 161 5. in the
West end of Pauls Churchyard (where before, as in many
other places after, a running Lottery of smaller adventures
had beene used) in which the Prizes were proportioned
116
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
i6i6.
from two crownes (which was the least) to divers
thousands, arising in ordinary assents and degrees*, *To loo.
casually accruing as the lot fell, and paid in money or ^°°- ^°°- ^
T-.1 1 r 1 • -111 •/- 1 1000. 2000.
m Plate there set torth to view, provided that ir any chose and the highest
money rather then Plate or goods for paiment, in summes 4500.
above ten crownes, he was to abate the tenth part. The crownes.
orders of this Lottery were published, and courses taken
to prevent frauds.
Whiles Sir Thomas Dale was in Virginia, it chanced
that a Spanish Ship beate up and downe before Point Spanish Ships
Comfort, and sent ashoare for a Pilot. Captaine James "' ^^r^ma.
Davies sent them one, with whom they presently sailed
away, leaving three of their company behinde. These,
upon examination, confessed that having lost their
Admirall, accident had forced them into those parts ;
two of them said they were Captaines of chiefe command ^^s}"j ^'^*
in the Fleete. They received good usage there, till one ^^^^^.
of them was found to be an Englishman, which in the suspended and
great Fleete 1588. had bin a Pilot to the Spaniards, and exalted
now exercised his wonted trechery, having induced some "g'^^^^
malecontents to runne away with a small Barke. This ^^^LmV
darknesse being brought to light, some of them were
executed, and he expecting no better, confessed that two
or three Spanish Ships were at Sea, on purpose to discover
the state of the Colony: but their Commission was not
to be opened till they arrived in the Bay, so that he knew
no further. One of the Spaniards died, the other was
sent for England, and this fellow was now reprived, but
(as became such a Pilot) was hanged at Sea in Sir Thomas
Dales returne. The English Pilot which they had carried
away to Spaine, after long imprisonment by much 'suite
recovered his liberty and Country.
Sir Thomas Dale having thus established things as you
have heard, returned thence, appointing Captaine George Cap. Tardly
Yardly his deputy Governour in his absence, and arrived t^eputy
at Plimmouth in May or June 4. 1616. to advance the ^'^^>'«"'^-
good of the Plantation, Master Rolfe also with Rebecca
his new convert and consort, and Uttamatamakin
"7
A.D.
i6i6,
[IV. ix.
1 774-]
Hitherto from
Capt. Smith.
See my Pil.
I. 8. c. 5.
See my Pilg.
ubi sup.
Povihatans
remove.
Virginian
yeers which
perhaps
occasioned the
conceits of
their longevity.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
(commonly called Tomocomo) one of Pohatans Coun-
sellours came over at the same time. With this Savage
I have often conversed at my good friends Master Doctor
Goldstone, where he was a frequent guest ; and where I
have both seen him sing and dance his diabolicall
measures, and heard him discourse of his Countrey and
Religion, Sir Tho. Dales man being the Interpretour, as I
have elsewhere shewed. Master Rolfe lent mee a dis-
course which he had written of the estate of Virginia
at that time, out of which I collected those things which I
have in my Pilgrimage delivered. And his wife did not
onely accustome her selfe to civilitie, but still carried her
selfe as the Daughter of a King, and was accordingly
respected, not onely by the Company, which allowed
provision for her selfe and her sonne, but of divers
particular persons of Honor, in their hopefuU zeale by
her to advance Christianitie. I was present, when my
Honorable & Reverend Patron, the L. Bishop of London,
Doctor King entertained her with festivall state and
pompe, beyond what I have scene in his great hospitalitie
afforded to other Ladies. At her returne towards
Virginia she came at Gravesend to her end and grave,
having given great demonstration of her Christian
sinceritie, as the first fruits of Virginian conversion,
leaving here a godly memory, and the hopes of her
resurrection, her soule aspiring to see and enjoy
presently in heaven, what here shee had joyed to heare
and beleeve of her beloved Saviour. Not such was
Tomocomo, but a blasphemer of what he knew not, and
preferring his God to ours, because he taught them (by
his owne so appearing) to weare their Devill-lock at the
left eare ; hee acquainted mee with the manner of that
his appearance, and beleeved that this Okee or Devil
had taught them their husbandry, &c. Powhatan was
at this time of their comming gone Southwards, for feare
(as some thought) least Opachancanough his brother
should joyne with the English against him. His age
was not so great as some have reported, they reckoning
ri8
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1617.
every Spring and Autumne for distinct yeeres. Tomo-
como was as wise in computation of his sailing, reckoning
each night (when hee expected they should have anchored
by the shoare) as another day. Hee is said also to
have set up with notches on a stick the numbers of men,
being sent to see and signifie the truth of the multitudes
reported to his Master. But his arithmetike soone failed,
and wonder did no lesse amaze him at the sight of so
much Corne and Trees in his comming from Plimmouth
to London, the Virginians imagining that defect thereof
here had brought us thither.
But let us returne to Captaine Smiths Relations. The
new Governour applied himselfe to the readiest way of
gaine in planting Tobacco ; and though Sir Tho. Dale
had caused much Corne to be planted, yet the new
supplies easing them of that superfluitie, hee sent to the
Chickahaminies for the tribute Corne which Sir Thomas
Dale and Captaine Argall had conditioned with them,
but received a bad answere. Whereupon hee gathered
a hundred men, and twelve of them were slaine, twelve
others captived, and returned to James Towne with three
Boats laden with corne, of which one hasting to bring the
newes was overset, and eleven men, together with the
goods drowned. Captaine Spelman by his language did
them good service. This, together with the league which
they had with Opachankanough enemy to the former, put
them so in feare, that ours followed their labours quiedy,
and other Nations also brought them provisions and
would hunt for them. Captaine Yeardly is taxed for
suffering two of his Savages to use the Peece in their
game and therein to grow expert ; a thing reported to
have beene practised by some others. Yet whiles hee
staied in the government they lived quietly with the
Savages, but grudges grew amongst themselves.
A. 16 1 7. Captaine Yeardly returned for England, after
the arrivall of Captaine Argall, sent thither to be deputie ^ jg
Governour. cap. Jrgolls
Captaine Argall was sent in the George, and with Capt. government.
119
A.O.
I617.
1618.
Great drought.
L. De-la-
Wars last
voyages and
death.
Ploming and
Come in
Virginia.
Killingbeck
slain.
[IV. ix.
I77S-]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Hamor his Vice-Admirall, in May, 16 17. arrived at
James Towne, where hee found things in much disorder^
which hee sought to redresse. Their cattell were now
well encreased, and both of their owne growing, and from
the Savages they had store of Corne, A. 16 18. happened
a great drought, and such a cruell storme of haile, that it
did much hurt to their Corne and Tobacco. The Maga-
zine that came in the George, being five moneths in her
passage proved badly conditioned.
To supply them, the Company furnished and set forth
in Aprill a Ship of two hundred and fiftie tunnes, with
two hundred people. The Lord De-la-war went therein,
and at the Hand of Saint Michael was honourably feasted.
Departing from thence, they were long troubled with
contrary windes, in which time many fell sicke, thirtie
died, one of which was that honourable Lord of noble
memory. The rest refreshed themselves on that Coast
of New England, with Fish, Fowle, Wood, and Water,
and after sixteene weekes spent at Sea, arrived in
Virginia.
The Ship called the Treasurer not long after came
thither with fortie Passengers, before the other Ship was
gone. They now had used the Plow, and reaped good
Corne, and they writ for more Plow-harnesse to be
sent them.
. Richard Killingbeck with foure others, going to trade
secretly with the people of Chickahaminias, either for
revenge of some before slaine in Captaine Yerdlyes
expedition, or for covetousnesse of their goods were
assaulted by the Savages, one of which had a Peece
furnished and therewith shot Killingbeck dead ; the rest
also were all slaine, stripped, and spoyled. Other
murthers also were done by other Savages, which
Opachankanough excused by ignorance, and for the
former, hee sent a basket of earth, in token of the
gift and possession of that Towne where they dwelt^
to Captaine Argal, desiring him not to revenge the fault
of a few, which for feare of revenge were fled to the
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1619.
Woods, on their innocent neighbours. Sam. Arg. Jo.
Rolfe.
Master Rolfe writ, June 15. 1618. that Powhatan Powhatam
died in Aprill before, Itopatan his second brother ^"''^•
succeeded, who with Opachanckanough had confirmed
the league with the Colony. May 11. happened at
James Towne in the night, a terrible storme which
lasted about halfe an houre, and poured downe haile-
stones eight or nine inches about.
A. 1 61 9. Sir Edwin Sands being chosen Treasurer, Sir Edwin
Captaine Yerdley was knighted and sent Governour ^""'^^
into Virginia. A little Pinnace had arrived some
twelve dayes before him, in which Captaine Argall
returned, leaving in his place Captaine Nathaniel Powel.
As for their digusts given the Company (in their
apprehension) by Captaine Argall, I am not fully
informed, or lust to bee the Informer.
Sir George Yerdly arriving Aprill 18. filled the Colony Sir George
with joyfull hopes of better successe at his arrival!, Terdley
and I freely acknowledge the Treasurers great study '^o"^'''"""'-
and care was worthy (had God so pleased) of better
events, then by unexpected accidents have since
happened.
Captaine West, Captaine Powel, Master Pory, Master
Rolfe, Master Wickam, Master Macock, were added to
the Councell. A Pinnace of Captaine Bargrave, another
of Captaine Lawnes, and a third of Master Evans,
and the Marget of Bristol arrived. Some scandalous
Letters, which laid a false imputation on the Countrey,
caused enquiry to bee made, where by men of best
experience was found, that an industrious man not Pro^t to be
otherwise imployed, may well husband foure Acres of made in
Come, and one thousand Plants of Tobacco, of which ^"'S'"'"-
many to have much, neglect the goodnesse (in suffer-
ing too many leaves to grow on one stalke) and many
Tobaccomongers in England are said to sell the best
of it in other names, calling all their trash Virginian,
and so at once rob both England and Virginia. June
A.D.
1619.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
25. the Triall came in with Corne and Cattell. The
Governour and Counsell caused Burgesses to be chosen
in all places, and a general! assembly was held for
consultation about the Colonies good. The ancient
Planters being set free chose places to their content,
and sweetnesse of proprietie made them emulous to
exceed each other in building and planting. Many
good instructions were sent from the Company, to amend
the Virginian abuses and competencie of provision was
appointed for Officers.
But leave we awhile our Captaines Notes, and let us
listen to that which the Company published, A. 1620.
Chap. XIII.
The estate of the Colony, A. 1620. and Master
Dermers Letter to mee from Virginia, touch-
ing his Voyage for the South Sea.
Ow touching the present estate of our
Colony in that Countrey, We have
thought it not unfit thus much briefly
to declare. There have beene sent thither
this last yeere, and are now presently
in going, twelve hundred persons and
upward, as particularly appeareth in the
note above specified : and there are neere one thousand
more remaining of those that were gone before. The
men lately sent, have beene most of them choice men,
borne and bred up to labour and industry. Out of
Devonshire, about an hundred men, brought up to
Husbandry. Out of Warwickshire and Staffordshire,
about one hundred and ten ; and out of Sussex, about
fortie ; all framed to Iron-workes : the rest dispersedly
out of divers Shires of the Realme. There have beene
also sundry persons of good qualitie, much commended
for sufficiency, industry and honestie, provided and
sent to take charge and government of those people.
THE STATE OF VIRGINIA ad.
1620.
The care likewise that hath beene taken by directions,
instructions, Charters and Commissions to reduce the
people and affaires in Virginia into a regular course,
hath been such and so great, that the Colony beginneth
now to have the face and feshion of an orderly State, and
such as is likely to grow and prosper. The people are
all divided into severall Burroughes ; each man having Severall.
the shares of Land due to him set out, to hold and Burroughs.
enjoy to him and his Heires. The publike Lands for
the Company here, for the Governour there, for the
CoUedge, and for each particular Burrough, for the
Ministers also, and for divers other necessary Officers,
are likewise laid out by order and bounded. The par-
ticular Plantations for divers private Societies, are setled
in their Seates, being allotted to their content, and each
in convenient distance. The rigour of Martiall Law,
wherewith before they were governed, is reduced within
the limits prescribed by his Majesty ; and the laudable
forme of Justice and government used in this Realme,
established, and followed as neere as may be. The
Governour is so restrained to a Counsell joyned with
him, that he can doe wrong to no man, who may not
have speedy remedy. Each Burrough, and each particular
Plantation, partly hath, partly is bound to have in short
time a sufficient Minister : for whom maintenance is
ordained, to each of two hundred pounds a yeere value.
Which orderly proceeding there, by direction from hence,
hath caused the Colony now at length to settle themselves
in a firme resolution to perpetuate the Plantation. They [iv. ix.
fall to building of Houses, each for his owne private; 1776]
and the Generality to the rearing of publike Guest-
houses, for entertaining of new men upon their first
arrivall. They fall to set up their Ploughes, to the
planting of Vineyards ; to the pursuing of the Staple
Commodities furnished and commended from hence. In
summe, they are now so full of alacrity and cheerefiil-
nesse, that in a late generall Assembly, they have in the
name of the Colony presented their greatest possible
123
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
thankes to the Company, for the care that hath beene
taken for the setling of the Plantation. Neither is it to
be omitted, the care which hath beene had here lately at
home, for the reducing of all the proceedings and affaires
of the Company, to an orderly course of good govern-
ment and Justice. Wherein to begin with the Fountaine
thereof, his Majesties authoritie and pleasure, there hath
beene a collection made of all the branches of the same.
Potent three dispersed in his Letters Patents, now three times renewed :
times renewed, as also out of Other instructions proceeding from his
Majestie. Out of both which, together with such other
Orders as (authorized by his Majestie) the Companie
themselves have thought necessary to make, hath beene
compiled a booke of standing Orders and Constitutions,
approved by the generall consent of all the Companie :
whereby both the Company here, and the Colony in
Virginia, have their businesse carried regularly, industri-
ously, and justly, every man knowing both his right and
dutie, to their generall great content, and the great
advancement of the Action. And whereas the Colony
likewise have been often Sutors in eifect, to reduce into a
compendious and orderly forme of writing, the Lawes of
England proper for the use of that Plantation, with
addition of such other, as the nature of the place, the
novelty of the Colony, and other important circumstances
should necessarily require : A course is likewise taken for
the effecting of this worke ; yet so as to submit it first to
his Majesties view and approbation ; it being not fit that
his Majesties Subjects should bee governed by any other
Lawes, then such as receive the influence of their life
from him.
And now to come to that which concerneth the
Adventurors in particular, by whose charges, care, and
labour (next unto his Majesties especiall grace) this
famous Plantation hath not onely beene undertaken, but
through so many difficulties upheld and continued : wee
should bee very greatly injurious to them, if we should
not acquaint them with this seasonable time, for the
124
THE STATE OF VIRGINIA a.d.
1620.
reaping of that benefit and reward which is due unto
them. Wee therefore let them know, that in this last
yeere now ended, there have beene granted by the
Company under their legall Seale, eleven severall Patents
for particular Plantations ; and more are in hand to bee
passed this next Quarter-Court. It is not unprobable
that upon each of these Patents, divers hundreds of
persons will soone Plant in Virginia : there have beene
already transported upon the first, above three hundred
men. These and other like Planters, having priority of
time, will have priority also in choice of the Seat of their
Plantations. Seeing therefore the onely matter of retri-
bution to the Adventurors, is by a faire proportion of
Land to them and their heires, namely, of one hundred
Acres for every share of twelve pounds and ten shillings,
upon a first division ; and as much more upon a second,
the first being peopled ; with fiftie Acres for every person
(to bee doubled in like manner) which at their own
charges they shall transport to inhabite in Virginia before
the foure and twentieth of June, 1625. if hee continue
there three yeeres, either at one or severall times, or
die after he is shipped for that voyage : It standeth them
upon, who are not willing to be the least in the benefit to
be partaked, not to be the last in setting forth to the
choice and peopling of their Land. Wherein what favour
or assistance may by us bee given them, they shall bee
well assured of it, in equall proportion with our selves,
as their charges and long expectance have well deserved.
And to the end that not onely the Adventurors now
living, but the Heires also of the deceased, may take
certaine notice of the severall proportion of Land, which
ratably to their Adventures in money are due and
belonging to them.
125
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ig.
A Note of the Shipping, Men, and Provisions sent
to Virginia, by the Treasurer and Company, in
the yeere 1619.
Ships. '~n*He Bona Nova of two hundred Tun, sent in August
J. 1 61 9. with one hundred and twenty persons. The
Duty, of seventy Tun, sent in January 1619. with
fiftie one person's. The Jonathan of three hundred
and fiftie Tun, sent in February 1619. with two hun-
dred persons. The Triall, of two hundred Tun, sent in
February 1619. with fortie persons, and sixtie Kine.
The Faulcon, of one hundred and fiftie Tun, sent in
February 161 9. with thirtie sixe persons, fiftie two Kine,
and foure Mares. The London Merchant, of three
hundred Tun, sent in March 1619. with two hundred
persons. The Swan of Barnstable, of one hundred
Tunne, sent in March, 1619. with seventie one persons.
The Bonaventure of two hundred and fortie Tun, sent in
April, 1620. with one hundred and fiftie three persons.
Besides these, set out by the Treasurer and Company,
there hath beene set out by particular Adventures for
private Plantations. The Garland of two hundred and
fiftie Tun, sent in June, 1619. for M. John Ferrars
Plantation, with fortie five persons. Who are yet
detained in the Summer Hands. A Ship of Bristoll,
of eightie Tun, sent in September, 1619. for M.
[IV. ix. Barkleys Plantation, with fortie five persons. There
1 777-] are also two Ships in providing to be shortly gone, for
about three hundred persons more, to bee sent by private
Adventurers to Virginia. The summe of the persons one
thousand two hundred sixtie one. Whereof in the eight
Ships set out by the Treasurer and Company, eight hun-
dred seventie one.
Pecpk. Of these persons there are sent for publike and other
pious uses, these ensuing: Tenants for the Governours
Land, besides fiftie sent the former Spring, eightie.
Tenants for the Companies Land, one hundred and
thirtie. Tenants for the CoUedges Land, one hundred.
126
SUPPLIES FOR VIRGINIA ad.
1619.
Tenants for the Ministers glebe-Lands, fiftie. Young
Maids to make Wives for so many of the former Tenants,
ninetie. Boyes to make Apprentices for those Tenants,
one hundred. Servants for the publike, fiftie. Men sent
by their labours, to beare up the charge of bringing up
thirtie of the Infidels children in true Religion and Civilitie.
The sum of persons for publike use, &c. six hundred and
fiftie. The six hundred and eleven remaining, are sent
for private Plantations.
The Commodities which these people are directed Commodities.
principally to apply (next to their own necessary main-
tenance) are these ensuing : Iron, for which are sent one
hundred and fiftie persons, to set up three Iron-workes ;
proofe having beene made of the extraordinary goodnesse
of that Iron.
Cordage : for which (besides Hempe) direction is given
for the planting of Silke-grasse (naturally growing in
those parts) in great abundance : which is approved to
make the best Cordage and Linnen in the world. Of
this, every housholder is bound to set one hundred
Plants: and the Governour himselfe hath set five
thousand.
Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes, Pitch and Tar re: for the
making whereof the Polacres are returned to their
workes.
Timber of all sorts, with Masts, Planks and Boords
for provision of Shipping, &c. there being not so good
Timber for all uses, in any one knowne Countrey what-
soever. And for the ease and encrease of divers of these
workes, provision is sent of men and materialls, for the
setting up of sundry Sawing Mills.
Silke: for which that Countrey is exceeding proper,
having innumerable store of Mulbery Trees of the best, and
some Silk-wormes naturally found upon them, producing
excellent Silke : some whereof is to be scene. For the
setting up of which Commoditie, his Majesty hath beene
graciously pleased now the second time (the former
having miscarried) to bestow upon the Company plenty
127
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
i6ig.
of Silk-wormes-feed of his owne store, being the
best.
Vines : whereof the Countrey yeeldeth naturally great
store, and of sundry sorts: which by culture will be
brought to excellent perfection. For the effecting
whereof, divers skilfuU Vignerons are sent, with store
also from hence of Vine-plants of the best sort.
Salt: which workes having beene lately suffered to
decay, are now ordered to bee set up in so great plentie,
as not onely to serve the Colony for the present ; but as is
hoped in short time also the great Fishings on those
Coasts.
For the following, working, and perfecting of these
Commodities, all provisions necessary for the present
are sent in good abundance. As likewise the people
that goe are plentifully furnished with apparell, bedding,
victuall for sixe moneths : Implements both for the House
and Labour, Armour, Weapons, Tooles, and sundry
other necessaries. And a supply of Armour, Powder,
and many necessary provisions is made for those of
the Colony which were there before ; yet without any
prejudice to the former Magazin.
^if"'- There have beene given to the Colony this yeere by
devout persons, these Gifts ensuing: Two persons
unknowne, have given faire Plate, and other rich
Ornaments for two Communion Tables ; whereof one
for the CoUedge, and the other for the Church of
Mistresse Mary Robinsons founding : who in the former
yeere by her Will, gave two hundred pounds towards the
founding of a Church in Virginia.
Another unknowne person (together with a godly
Letter) hath lately sent to the Treasurer, five hundred
and fiftie pounds in gold, for the bringing up of children
of the Infidels : first in the Knowledge of God and true
Religion; and next, in fit Trades whereby honestly to
live.
Master Nicolas Ferrar deceased, hath by his Will given
three hundred pounds to the CoUedge in Virginia, to bee
128
SUPPLIES FOR VIRGINIA a.d.
1619.
paid, when there shall be ten of the Infidels children
placed in it. And in the meane time foure and twentie
pounds by yeere, to bee distributed unto three discreet
and godly men in the Colony, which shall honestly bring
up three of the Infidels children in Christian Religion,
and some good course to live by.
An unnamed person sent to the Treasurer the summe
of ten pounds, for advancing of the Plantation.
There have beene Patents granted this yeere for par- Patents.
ticular Plantations, as here ensueth : To the Societie of
Southamton Hundred. To Master Heath, Recorder of
London. To Master Wincop. To Master Tracie.
To Doctor Bohun. To Master Pierce. To Master
Delbridge. To Master Pointz. To Master Barkley.
To Captaine Bargrave. To Captaine Ward. Who
have undertaken to transport to Virginia great multi-
tudes of people, with store of cattell.
It is to be knowne, that touching the Colledge for the
Infidels children, it hath beene thought more expedient to
begin first with the planting and peopling of the Lands
(which hath beene done this yeere) and afterwards to [IV. ix.
proceed to the erecting of the Fabricke, which is to be '778-]
performed out of the revenues of the Lands.
To his WorshipfuU Friend M. Samuel Purchas,
Preacher of the Word, at the Church a little
within Ludgate, London.
Sir,
IT was the nineteenth of May, before I was fitted for
my discovery, when from Monahiggan I set sayle in
an open Pinnace of five tun, for the Hand I told you of.
I passed alongst the Coast where I found some antient
Plantations, not long since populous now utterly void ;
in other places a remnant remaines, but not free of sick-
nesse. Their disease the Plague, for wee might perceive
the sores of some that had escaped, who described the
spots of such as usually die. When I arrived at my
XIX 129 I
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
Savages native Country (finding all dead) I travelled
alongst a dales journey Westward, to a place called
Nummastaquyt, where finding Inhabitants, I dispatchedi
a Messenger a dayes journey further West, to Poco-
naokit which bordereth on the Sea; whence came to
see me two Kings, attended with a guard of fiftie armed
men, who being well satisfied with that my Savage and I
discoursed unto them (being desirous of noveltie) gave
mee content in whatsoever I demanded, where I found
that former relations were true. Here I redeemed a
Frenchman, and afterwards another at Mastachusit, who
three yeeres since escaped shipwracke at the North-east
of Cape Cod. I must (amongst many things worthy
observation) for want of leisure, therefore hence I passe
(not mentioning any place where we touched in the way)
to the Hand, which wee discovered the twelfth of June.
Here we had good quarter with the Savages, who like-
wise confirmed former reports. I found seven severall
places digged, sent home of the earth, with samples of
other commodities elsewhere found, sounded the Coast,
and the time being farre spent bare up for Monahiggan,
arriving the three and twentieth of June, where wee found
our Ship ready to depart. To this He are two other neere
adjoyning, all which I called by the name of King James
his lies, because from thence I had the first motives to
search. For that (now probable passage) which may
hereafter be both honourable and profitable to his
Majestie. When I had dispatched with the ships ready
to depart, I thus concluded for the accomplishing my
businesse. In regard of the fewnesse of my men, not
being able to leave behind mee a competent number fcr
defence, and yet sufficiently furnish my selfe, I put most
of my provisions aboord the Sampson of Cape Ward
ready bound for Virginia, from whence hee came, taking
no more into the Pinnace then I thought might serve our
turnes, determining with Gods helpe to search the Coast
along, and at Virginia to supply our selves for a second
discovery, if the first failed. But as the best actions are
130
THOMAS DERMER a.d.
commonly hardest in efFecting, and are seldome without
their crosses, so in this we had our share, and met with
many difficulties: for wee had not sayled above forty
leagues, but wee were taken with a Southerly storme,
which drave us to this strait; eyther we must weather
a rockie point of Land, or run into a broad Bay no lesse
dangerous ; Incidit in Syllam, &c. the Rockes wee could
not weather, though wee loosed till wee received much
water, but at last were forced to beare up for the Bay,
and run on ground a furlong off the shoare, where we
had beene beaten to pieces, had wee not instantly throwne
overboord our provisions to have our lives; by which
meanes we escaped and brought off our Pinnace the next
high water without hurt, having our Planke broken, and
a small leake or two which we easily mended. Being
left in this misery, having lost much bread, all our Beere
and Sider, some Meale and Apparell, with other provi-
sions and necessaries ; having now little left besides hope
to encourage us to persist : Yet after a little deliberation
we resolved to proceed and departed with the next faire
winde. We had not now that faire quarter amongst the
Savages as before, which I take it was by reason of our
Savages absence, who desired (in regard of our long
journey) to stay with some of our Savage friends at
Sawahquatooke) for now almost every where, where they
were of any strength they sought to betray us. At
Manamock (the Southerne part of Cape Cod, now
called SutclifFe Inlets) I was unawares taken prisoner,
when they sought to kill my men, which I left to man the
Pinnace ; but missing of their purpose, they demanded a
ransome, which had, I was as farre from libertie as before :
yet it pleased God at last, after a strange manner to
deliver me, with three of them into my hands, and a
litde after the chiefe Sacheum himselfe; who seeing me
weigh anchor, would have leaped overboord, but inter-
cepted, craved pardon, and sent for the Hatchets given
for ransome, excusing himselfe by laying the fault on his
neighbours ; and to be friends sent for a Canoas lading of
131
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
Corne, which received we set him free. I am loth to omit
the story, wherein you would finde cause to admire the
great mercy of God even in our greatest misery, in giving
us both freedome and reliefe at one time. Departing
hence, the next place we arrived at was Capaock, an Hand
formerly discovered by the English, where I met with
Epinew a Savage that had lived in England, and speakes
indifferent good English, who foure yeeres since being
carried home, was reported to have beene slaine, with
divers of his Countreymen, by Saylers, which was false.
With him I had much conference, who gave mee very
good satisfaction in every thing almost I could demand.
Time not permitting mee to search here, which I should
have done for sundry things of speciall moment: the
wind faire, I stood away shaping my course as the Coast
led mee, till I came to the most Westerly part where the
Coast began to fall away Southerly. In my way I dis-
covered Land about thirtie leagues in length, heretofore
taken for Mayne, where I feared I had beene imbayed, but
by the helpe of an Indian I got to the Sea againe, through
many crooked and streight passages. I let passe many
[IV. ix. accidents in this journey occasioned by treacherie, where
'779-] wee were compelled twice to goe together by the eares,
once the Savages had great advantage of us in a streight,
not above a Bowe shot, and where a multitude of Indians
let flye at us from the banke, but it pleased God to make
us victours : neere unto this wee found a most dangerous
Catwract amongst small rockie Hands, occasioned by two
unequaU tydes, the one ebbing and flowing two houres
before the other : here wee lost an Anchor by the strength
of the current, but found it deepe enough : from hence wee
were carried in a short space by the tydes swiftnesse into a
great Bay (to us so appearing) but indeede is broken
land, which gave us light of the Sea : here, as I said, the
Land treadeth Southerly. In this place I talked with
many Salvages, who told me of two sundry passages to
the great Sea on the West, offered me Pilots, and one
of them drew me a Plot with Chalke upon a Chest,
132
THOMAS DERMER a.d.
1619.
whereby I found it a great Hand, parted the two Seas;
they report the one scarce passable for shoalds, perillous
currents, the other no question to be made of. Having
received these directions, I hasten to the place of greatest
hope, where I purposed to make triall of Gods goodnesse
towards us, and use my best endevour to bring the truth
to light, but wee were but onely shewed the entrance,
where in seeking to passe wee were forced backe with
contrary and overblowing windes, hardly escaping both
our lives. Being thus overcharged with weather, I stood
alongst the coast to seeke harbours, to attend a favour-
able gale to recover the streight, but being a harbourlesse
Coast for ought we could then perceive, wee found no
succour till wee arrived betwixt Cape Charles and the
Maine on the East side the Bay Chestapeak, where in
a wilde Roade wee anchored ; and the next day (the eight
of September) crossed the Bay to Kecoughtan, where the
first newes strooke cold to our hearts, the generall sicke-
nesse over the Land. Here I resolved with all possible
speede to returne in pursuite of this businesse ; so that
after a little refreshing, wee recovered up the River to
James Citie, and from thence to Cape Warde his Plan-
tacion, where immediately wee fell to hewing of Boords
for a close Decke, having found it a most desired course
to attempt as before. As wee were thus labouring to
effect our purposes, it pleased almighty God (who onely
disposeth of the times and seasons, wherein all workes
shall be accomplished) to visite us with his heavie hand, so
that at one time there were but two of us able to helpe
the rest, my selfe so sore shaken with a burning feaver,
that I was brought even unto deaths doore, but at length
by Gods assistance escaped, and have now with the rest
almost recovered my former strength. The Winter
having overtaken us (a time on these Coasts especially)
subject to gusts and fearefull stormes, I have now resolved
to choose a more temperate season, both for the generall
good and our owne safeties. And thus I have sent you
a broken discourse, though indeede very unwilling to
133
A.D.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
have given any notice at all, till it had pleased God to
have blessed mee with a thorow search, that our eyes
might have witnessed the truth. I have drawne a Plot of
the Coast, which I dare not yet part with for feare of
danger, let this therefore serve for confirmation of your
hopes, till I can better performe my promise and your
desire, for what I have spoken I can produce at least
mille testes ; farre separate, of the Sea behinde them,
and of Ships, which come many dayes journey from
the West, and of the great extent of this Sea to the
North and South, not knowing any bounds thereof
Westward. I cease to trouble you till a better oppor-
tunity offer it selfe, remembring my best love, &c. I
rest
Yours to command.
Cap. J. Smith.
Sir Edw.
Sands was
Treasurer
from Ap.
1 619. /;■//
Jun. 1620.
Master
Stockams
Letter to
Master
Whitaker
before.
Tho. Dermer.
From Captaine Martyn his Plan-
tation. 27. Decemb. 161 9.
To Sir Edwin Sands in the Treasurership succeeded
the right Honorable Henry Earle of Southampton, whose
industry together with that of those two brethren John
and Nicolas Farrars the successive Deputies, have given
much content to many, but to divers others matter of
complaint ; wherein I am an unfit Judge ; onely as a
reasonable man and Christian Minister (that I say not
Historian) I am much grieved that Virginias prosperity
cannot answer mens hopes ; nor can any man mervaile if
divisions (minde-massacres) here, with the massacring
Savages and diseases there, have hindred there the
expected effects of honorable and carefuU indevours.
Master Stockam, a Minister, writ thence. May the
eight and twentieth, that which deserveth just con-
sideration, that he found no probability by faire meanes
alone to draw the Savages to goodnesse, and if Mars
and Minerva went hand in hand, they would effect more
good in one houre, then these verbaU Mercurians in
134
THOMAS DERMER a.d.
1620.
their lives : and till their Priests and Ancients have
their throats cut, there is no hope to bring them to
conversion.
Chap. XIIII. [IV. ix.
^ 1780.]
A true Relation of a Sea Fight betweene two
great and well appointed Spanish Ships, or
Men of Warre ; and an English Ship, called
the Margaret and John, or the Blacke Hodge,
going for Virginia.
Aving taken our journey toward Virginia in 1 620.
the beginning of February last past, in a
Ship called the Blacke Hodge, her burthen
one hundred and sixtie tunne, manned
onely with eight Iron Peeces, and a poore
Faulcon, we soone over-passed both the
tedious endurances and fearefull dangers
of such a Voyage, and came at last by the foureteenth
of March under 13. and halfe Latitude, within twenty
leagues of Matalina.
Falling with Mevis by the twentieth of March, and
compassing the furthest point to stand in the handsommer
with the shore, wee perceived two tall Ships at anchor
right over against the watring place with their top sayles
loose, and their Boates going ashoare for their men. At
first we supposed them Hollanders, in respect of their
building, and the Hollanders colours borne by their Hollanders
Admirall in the maine top, the vice Admirall having ''''^«'■•'•
his fore top mast downe, and no colors displayed, which
encreased our former opinion, adding withall that it must
needes be prise, or some other Ship subject to the mis-
fortune of a fight.
But driving by necessity of water, and willing to refresh
our selves a shoare, wee trimmed our Ship, and came to
anchor fairely by them, sending our Boate in friendly
manner to hale them both unprovided and unarmed,
which returned with certificate, that they were Spaniards,
13s
A.D.
1620.
The Spaniards
shot at the
boat.
They shot at
the Ship.
English
unprepared/or
fight.
Spanish
advantages.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
wherein not fully satisfied, by reason of our former appre-
hension that it was otherwise ; the better to be resolved,
we sent out our Boate againe, as well to be assured what
to trust unto, as to gaine sometime to prepare our Shippe,
and trim her more commodiously, being pestered with
goods and fardels betweene the deckes, and altogether
unprovided for any fight, either offensive or defensive.
The Boate approached the hindmost Ship, which I call
the vice-Admirall, and haled her, demanding who they
were, but instead of resolving us, she commanded them
to come aboord, and would answere no otherwise ; where-
upon the Boate rowed from them, as resolving all was not
well, and so made haste unto us againe, yet could not
prevent a volley of small shot powred very dangerously
amongst them, insomuch that they had their cloathes shot
through, their Oares shivered, and the sides battered with
Bullets ; yet thankes be to God, neither was a man hurt,
nor any thing lost ; which, as if they had had notice of the
same escape, rated their rage so much the more : For by
that time the Boate was out of reach of their small shot,
they followed it to the Ship with great Ordnance ; and
when they perceived they were safely come aboord,
they tooke it so ill, that they thundred against our
Ship with the soarer rage, and most violent vollies,
which we could not answer, having no Peece in our
gunner roome, nor indeede any other well mounted for
such a Sea fight.
By this time their vice Admirall heaved up her anchor
to her warpe, and laid her selfe to wind- ward, if either we
should passe forward, or anchor short againe, so that
we perceived they meant to assault us on all hands :
for she let flye a whole broad-side upon us, and came
furiously up to our lee quarter without damage or resist-
ance of our parts.
But when we were thus terrified and threatned by
them, and thus encombred and disanimated amongst our
selves, knowing withall (by reason of our ill prepared
Ordnance) the disadvantage and hazard to be boorded
136
A SEA FIGHT a.d.
1620.
at anchor by two good Ships well prepared for spoyle and
ruine ; we hoysed up our sailes, and determined to
set forward, had not the vice-Admirall come on our
star-boord side, and beate upon us so hardly, that we
fell to our businesse, and answered their unkindenesse
accordingly with many faire shot, which proved most
efFectuall, especially from a demy-culvering, which at
last shot her betweene winde and water, so that shee
was compelled from us, and bare off to Sea, leaving
her Admirall onely single with us, who at last came
fairely in our quarter to winde-ward, taking in her
Holland flagge, and advanced her Spanish colours, and Spanish colon.
so haled us.
We quietly and quickly answered, both what we were. Their
and whither wee were bound, discovering the effect of our cmference.
Commission, and relating the cause of our tarrying there
for water, neither purposing to annoy any subject of the
King of Spaines, nor by way of affront to brave either
Merchant or man of Warre. Then she charged us
to strike our sailes for the King of Spaine, and vaile
the bonnet according to the prerogative they had in
those Seas : we replyed with enlarging the particulars
of the league betweene the King our Master and their
King, adding with all, that as we intended no ill, we
would take no wrong ; Whereupon the Master left
the poope, and sequestred himselfe from such open
conference ; had they not called for the Captaine
againe, who at last presented himselfe, till they com-
manded him to come aboord with his Commission,
which he refused, yet wished them to send their Boat [IV. ix.
aboord, and then they should see it most willingly. 1781-]
But instead either of answering us further with kinde
words, or accepting of our reply in good part, they made
two great shot at us, and poured among us such a volley
of small shot, before we could get off the poope, that
we thanked God they did no more harme, yet we were .
much amazed they did so much : not thus content they insolence of
waved us with their bright swords, and reviled us with the Spaniards.
137
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
opprobrious tearmes, mis-tearming us dogs, and inventing
more odious names against us, then we could imagine that
Christians durst urge one another withall: at last they
laid us aboord, which enforced us to raise up our maine
sayle, and to give the word to our small shot, which
all this while lay close, well resolved and prepared : but
TheEngM sodainely breaking forth wee plyed them in such sort
fig^t- that wee made them give backe and shrinke from their
former forwardnesse.
The fight continued some halfe houre in our quarter,
and according to the terrour of such encounters, wee were
compast as it were in fire and smoake, untill they
discovered the waste of our Ship naked, and were
encouraged with the hope of reciprocal damage, where-
upon they bravely ranne upon our side, and laid us
aboord loofe to loofe, hastning with Pikes and Swords
Spaniards to enter, to which was added such fury, that if they
seehe to enter, j^^jj ^ot beene prevented, we should have shrunke under
the rage of a barbarous slaughter: but it pleased God
so to direct our Master with advice, and encourage our
men with valour, that our Pikes being formerly placed
under our halfe decke, and certaine shot lying close for
that purpose under the portels of the Shippe, encountred
them so bravely, that their fury was not onely rebated,
but their hastinesse intercepted, and the whole Company
Their repulse, beaten backe, especially upon the wind-ward side, where
the charge was hottest, and the fight bloodiest; for there
the throng was great, and men had worke enough to
make proofe of their courages and fortunes. Divers of
our men were hurt, and many fell on their side.
In the end they were violently repulsed by us, enforced
to a retreat, untill they were reinforced backe againe by
their Commanders, who standing upon tearmes of honor,
as being men of Warre, and designed for that purpose,
thought it an indignity to be so afronted and counter-
Second charge, manded ; which caused a second charge, and that was
answered with a second beating backe, till the Captaine
himselfe grew enraged, as not brooking to be so much
138
A SEA FIGHT ad.
1620.
overmated, and constrained them to come on a fresh, Third charge.
which they did so effectually, that questionlesse it had
wrought an alteration, if the God that tosseth Monarchies,
and teareth the Mountaines in his fury, had not taught
us to tosse our Pikes with prosperous event, and poured
out a sodaine volley of small shot upon them, whereby
that worthy Commander was slaine at the foote of a ^'f"'' ^^P-
Pike, and many of his Souldiers dropped downe on '■"" ' '"'■
the top of the hatches. Presently our Master tooke
advantage of their discomfiture (though with some
commiseration for their valiant Captaine so slaine) that
hee not onely plyed them a fresh with great Ordnance,
but had more false shot under the Pikes, which were
bestowed to good purpose, and amased our enemies with
the sodainnesse.
Amongst the rest one Lucas our Carpenters mate must J-ucai his
not be forgotten, who perceived a way how to annoy ^''"^^ "''•
them, as they were thus pusled and in a confusion,
drue out a minion which hee nobly set a worke under
the halfe decke, till at the last hee brought it to the doxe
of the halfe decke, and there bent it upon them, but
in such a manner, that when it was fiered the cases full
of stones and peeces of Iron fell upon them like haile,
and cleared their decke in such a sort that it slue many, The case
and in short time we saw few assailants, but onely such altered.
as crept from place to place very covertly, and seemed O""*"""
willing to obscure themselves from the fury of our shot, p^Vw/j/Wo
which now was thicker then theirs: For although (as
farre as we may commend our enemies) they had done
some things worthy of admiration: yet either wanting
men, or overtaken with the unlooked for valour of our
company, they now began to shrinke, and gave us
leave to be wanton with our advantage.
Yet were our great Ordnance onely foure, that we The English
could use in this fight, but it should seeme they served ""^'^ '"^ ^"^
the turne as well as foure times foure : for they shot ■^'"T
, . , • J J 1 Urdnance.
her divers times betweene winde and water, and so
prevailed, that at last we saw many signes of their
139
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
willingnesse to leave us, but by reason she was fast in
a slach of our cable, which in haste of weighing our
anchor hung loose, she could not be divided nor make
that way shee purposed, untill one of our men cut it
with an Axe without direction, and was slaine for his
labour. But when she perceived she was loose, after
she had beene a boord two houres and a halfe, good
Spaniards fall Lord what haste she made, and how quickly were we
^ divided, both great and small shot playing on both
sides, which lasted untill the remotenesse was above a
Caliver shot, and we discovered the vice-Admirall
comming to her assistance, who began a farre off to
ply us with great shot, and put us in minde we had
another worke in hand.
Whereupon wee manned our Ship a new, separating
the dead and hurt bodies by themselves from us, and
Bravado were SO encouraged, that we waved her, and in a manner
^l''"f, made toward her to fight a fresh : For when we perceived,
"^" ' that the Admirall made not a shot more at us, we verily
imagined, that either she was preparing her selfe with
[IV. ix. a new supply, or wanted men to make her serviceable or
'702J resolved to goe away from us, considering shee had lost
her Captaine ; yet loth to bee secure, and imagining the
Vice-admirall might come and boord us finding us play,
till the Admirall did make her selfe better readie, we
prepared our selves, wondring yet that shee came no
neerer us then Falcon shot, wherewith she plyed us
still on the Lee side, untill at last she received another
payment from our Demie-culvering, which shot her
through, and made her beare with the shore into
smooth water, where shee remayned till two of the
clocke after midnight, and so wee had time to reforme
our disorders, and make our selves better readie for
the next dayes varietie.
Next dayes By breake of day she came up againe with the
M^'- Admirall with her; as if they determined indeed to
devoure us at once ; but as it seemed it was but a
Bravado, though for the time they forsooke not our
140
A SEA FIGHT ad.
1620.
quarter within Musket shot : for all that night and
morning they were quiet Neighbours, and kept us
company without any great annoyance with their Top-
sayles downe, not knowing, as it should seeme, what
to doe with us, or else suspecting their owne hurts
and Leakes, they durst not trust themselves too farre
from Land, nor to the furie of another encounter. All
that night we had time and leisure to over-looke our
losses, and prepare for them, the Admirall made shew
of an encounter, and we after Prayers were ended
provided to fight with them, but suddenly wee per-
ceived the Vice-Admirall hang a sterne, cutting her
mayne sayle to come up, and stirring very ill.
At length the Admirall shooke in the wind, and by
apparant signes gave us notice of slacking her course,
whereby we might runne a head and follow the Seas
at her pleasure, so wee perceived the Vice-Admirall The Via-
with all her Sayles to make towardes an Hand called ^'^'"'™'
ssskstft to
Sana, which the Admirall either tooke notice of, as recover the
knowing the danger she was in, or gave directions Hand, and the
accordingly, considering there was no good to bee done qualitie,Sana.
with us : for presently she tacked about and lost us,
bearing toward that Hand also.
Wee lost Doctor Bohune, and seven other were slaine Doctor Bolune
out-right: two died shortly after of their wounds, and and seven
sbcteene were shot through in some part or other of "''''''[ 'j"'"^
the bodie, whose wounds Gods be thanked were recured
and without mayme or further impeachment of health
are now recovered and settled in Virginia, according to
our first entended purpose and Commission : 1 reckon
not such as are hurt with Pikes and other offensive
Weapons, because there was no danger in their cures,
and the skilfull Surgeon shewed his art and good speed
with facilitie. How many they lost wee cannot tell, Spanish losse.
nor what men of name were entertayned amongst them,
onely I am sure we saw many lie slaine on the Decke,
and more cast over-boord in the fight, besides the
Scuppers ran with bloud, and the very Sea in their
141
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
quarter was coloured with a Scarlet hue, and looked
fearfully upon us all.
Spanish skips The burthen of their Admirall was three hundred
described. tunnes, having two and twentie Peeces of Brasse, and
all provision of a man of Warre indeed : their Vice-
Admirall three hundred tuns, and sixteene cast Peeces,
nor much inferiour to her for trimming and corre-
spondent Equipage, and both to outward shew over-
masterfiill and daring for one poore Merchant and
Passenger, being but a hundred and sixtie tunnes, having
eight Iron Peeces and one Falcon, over-loaden with StufFe
and Wares, encombred with Passengers, toyled with a
storme, tyred with a long Voyage, affirighted with wants,
and every way insufficient to answere any such enemie :
but as it is in the Scripture, it is all one to thee, O God,
whether there be few or many, and Gedeons three
hundred shall slay many thousands of the Midianites :
as for deliverances, the people of Israeli shall passe
through the Red Sea dry foot : Jonas shall bee cast safe
on shoare out of the Whales belly : and Paul shall escape
shipwracke, saving his life with all his Passengers in
the Hand of Malta.
For to conclude with the purpose in hand, there is
one thing most remarkable as an inducement to this
our deliverance, that Captaine Chester embraced Doctor
Bohune beeing mortally wounded, and thus recomforted
him, saying, O Doctor Bohune what a disaster is this;
the Noble Doctor no whit exanimated, replyed; Fight
it out brave man, the cause is good, and Lord receive
my soule.
A Sea Fight.
Slaine out right. Doctor Bohune. Thomas Demeter
Gentleman. Th. Read. William Garret. Th. Vernam.
Gabriel Petes. David Bathering. Raph. &c. Died after.
Francis Annis Gentleman. Ed. Nerobery Sayler.
Wounded yet cured. William Bird Gentleman. Alexander
Boventine. William Bannington Gentleman. William Joyce
142
A SEA FIGHT a.d.
1621.
Quarter Master. John Wakings. John Wilson Sayler.
George Tayler Sayler. William Lucas Sayler. John
Robbins Steward. Phillip Durwine. Three Frenchmen.
Robert Lector. Anthony Browne Gentleman.
Chap. XV.
Virginian affaires since the yeere 1 620. till this l^^- '*■
present 1624. '^ ^'^
§. L
A note of the shipping, men, and provisions sent
and provided for Virginia, by the Right Honour-
able Henry Earle of South-hampton, and the
Company, and other private Adventurers,
in the yeere 1621. &c. w^ith other Occurrents
then published by the Company.
Ships And People.
He Elianor 30. tun: in May 1621.
with 10. persons.
The George 1 80. tun : in July. 1 20.
The Charles 1 20. tunne : in July. 80.
The Marmaduke 100. tun : in July
80.
The Temperance 80. tun : in July 50.
The Warwicke 160. tun: in August 100.
The Tigre 40. tun : in August 40.
8 The Sea-flowre 140. tun: in August 120.
9 The Flying Hart 200. tun : in August 60. Men,
and 40. Cattell.
10 The Discoverie 60. tun : in November
1 1 The Bona Nova 200. tun : in November
1 2 The Hope-well 60. tun : in November
13 The God-speed 150. tun: in Aprill 1622.
14 The Gift of God 140. tun: in AprUI
1 5 The Prime-Rose 80. tun : in Aprill
1 6 The Charitie 80. tun : in Aprill
143
2
3
4
5
6
7
20.
50.
20.
100.
100.
60
30-
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
17 The Bonaventure 50. tun: in Aprill 10.
18 The White Lion 180. tun: in May 40 Men, 40.
Cattell.
19 The Furtherance 180. tun: in May 80. men.
20 The Margaret and John 160. tun: in May 80.
21 The James 120. tun: in May 80.
Summe of the persons, 1300. Cattell 80.
Sent also to the Summer Hands by that Company.
22 The Joseph 150. tun: in May 1621. 100. persons.
23 The James 120. tun: in July 80.
24 The Concord 1 80. tun : in August 70.
Persons 250.
So there is foure and twentie Sayle of ships, with
five hundred Mariners in them im ployed to these
Plantations in this yeere.
Besides, there are now providing severall ships in
divers parts of this Kingdome to transport to the
Plantations above five hundred persons.
And for the benefit of the Plantations these things
foUowring have beene here done this yeere.
Beads. Sixteene persons and others have beene provided and
sent for the making of Beads for trade in the Countrie
with the Natives, and for making Glasse of all sorts.
Maids. Seven and fiftie young Maides have beene sent to
make wives for the Planters, divers of which were well
married before the comming away of the Ships.
Magazine. A Magazine hath beene sent of all necessaries for the
Colonie, to the value of two thousand pound, besides
all private mens sending goods, which was very ample,
Trade being set open for all his Majesties Subjects.
A ship called the Discoverie, hath beene set out for the
Furre-trode. rich Trade of Furres, which both the French and
Hollanders have yeerely within our Precincts, and
within fiftie leagues of us. Five and twentie persons
Boat-builders, for the building of Boats, Pinnasses and Ships, for the
necessarie use of the Colonie for fishing, Trade, and
144
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA a.d.
1620.
Discoverie, &c. Seven persons sent for planting the
thousand Acres of Land given to the East Indie Schoole. E<"t Indie
Schoole.
Other Occurents of Note.
The Governours arrivall in Virginia, at the end of
the last Summer, with nine ships, and neere seven
hundred people, all safely, and in good health. The
admirable deliverance of divers ships ; and namely, of
the Tiger, which beeing driven strangely neere two
hundred leagues out of her course, fell into the Turkes
hands, and yet came save to Virginia.
Master Berkleyes Letters assure us, that there is not \P^- ^^^
a more fit place for Iron-workes then in Virginia, both ^7H-\
for Wood, Water, Mynes, and Stone : and that by Whit-
sontide next, wee may relie upon Iron made by him.
The Plants of Cotton-wooll trees that came out of Cotton.
the West Indies, prosper exceeding well, and the
Cotton-wooll-feeds from the Mogols Countrie come up,
and grow : Samples of it they have sent ; and this
Commoditie they hope this yeere to bring to a good
perfection and quantitie. The Indico Seed thrives well, Indico.
but they yet want knowledge how to cure it.
Our Frenchmen assure us that no Countrie in the
World is more proper for Vines, Silke, Olives, Rice, f^ines.
&c. then Virginia, and that it excelleth their owne
Countrey. The Vines beeing in abundance naturally
over all the Countrey : a taste of which Wine they have
alreadie sent us, with hope the next yeere to send us a
good quantitie. There bee Mulberie trees in wonderfull ^'^^^ "^j
abundance, and much excelling both in goodnesse and '^'>enes.
greatnesse those of their Countrey of Languedocke.
To the full perfecting of both which rich Commodities
of Wine and Silke, there wanteth nothing but hands.
And of the Mulberies may bee made also good whole-
some Wine for the people there. And of a certaine
Plumme in the Countrey, they have made good drinke. Plum-dnnke.
Salt-workes are erecting (the proper place being now Salt-workes.
found, as the Rocheller doth certifie us) whereby many
XIX 145 K
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1620.
ships will transport people at easier rates hereafter,
finding Salt there to furnish them for the great and
profitable fishings upon that Coast, whither twentie
sayle of ships went this last yeere out of the Westerne
parts of England, besides the ships formerly mentioned.
NetaDis- Master John Porie hath of late made a Discoverie
c^vmesbyM. j^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ g^^ Northward (yet at the bottome of
'^" it he was not, reserving it to a second Voyage) where
are now setled neere one hundred English very happily,
with hope of a good Trade of Furres there to bee had.
And Terra Lemnia was sent us from thence, which is
found as good as that of Turkey, and is in great abun-
dance to be had.
In February last he likewise discovered to the South
River, some sixtie miles over Land from us, a very
fruitfuU and pleasant Countrey, full of Rivers, wherein
are two Harvests in one yeere (the great King giving him
friendly entertainment, and desirous to make a league
with us) hee found also there in great quantitie of the
same Silke-grasse (as appeareth by the samples sent us)
whereof Master Heriot in his Booke 1587. makes
relation, who then brought home some of it, with
which a piece of Grogeran was made, and given to
Queene Elizabeth, and some heere who have lived in
the East Indies affirme, that they make all their
Cambaya Stuffes of this, and Cotton-wooU. Also in his
passage by Land, Master Porey discovered a Countrey
full of Pine-trees, above twentie miles long, whereby a
great abundance of Pitch and Tarre may bee made :
and other sorts of woods there were, fit for Pot-ashes
and Sope-ashes.
Copper Mine. The Indians have made relation of a Copper Myne,
that is not farre from thence, how they gather it, and
the strange making of it : a piece whereof was sent
home, being found (after trial) very excellent metall.
Some of the English have made relation of a China
Boxe scene at one of the Kings Houses, who declared,
that it was sent him from the West, by a King that
146
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA a.d.
1 621.
dwels over the great Hils, whose Countrey is neere the
Sea, he having that Boxe from a people as hee said,
that come thither in ships, and weare clothes, and dwell
in Houses, and are called Acanackchina. And he
offered our people that he would send his Brother
along with them to that King: which the Governour
purposeth not to refuse, hoping thereby to discover the
South Sea, so long talked of.
A small ship comming in December last from the
Summer-Hands, to Virginia, brought thither from thence Summer Hand
these Plants, viz. Vines of all sorts. Orange and Leman PI""''-
trees, Sugar Canes, Cassado Roots (that make bread)
Pines, Plantans, Potatoes, and sundry other Indian
fruits and plants, not formerly seene in Virginia, which
begin to prosper very well.
Gifts.
The Gentlemen and Mariners that came in the
Royall James, from the East Indies (beeing at Cape Bona
Speranza homeward bound) gave towards the building
of a Free Schoole in Virginia, to be called the East
Indie Schoole, the summe of seventie pound eight
shillings six pence.
Towards the furtherance of the said East India
Schoole, an unknowne person hath added the summe of
thirtie pound.
A person refusing to be made knowne, hath given
the summe of fortie shillings a yeere for ever, for a
Sermon, before the Virginia Company thirtie pounds.
At a Quarter Court held the thirtieth of January
1621. by a person not willing as yet to bee knowne,
was sent in Gold to helpe forward the East Indie Schoole,
five and twentie pounds.
At the same Quarter Court, a small Bible, with a
cover richly wrought ; a great Church Bible ; Bookes of
Common Prayer; and other Books were presented to
be sent to Virginia, in the name of a person who had
the yeere before sent, for the use of the Colledge at
147
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
Henrico, divers Bookes, and an exact Map of America;
the Giver is not knowne, but the Bookes are valued at
tenne pound.
[IV. ix. Given by Master Thomas Bargrave, Preacher in Vir-
1785-] ginia deceassed, for the use of the CoUedge, a Library
valued at a hundred Markes.
And there is a contribution made by the Inhabitants
in Virginia, for the building of an house of entertain-
ment for new commers at James Citie, amounting to
the value of fifteene hundred pounds.
Patents granted this yeere.
1 To the Ladie Dale.
2 To Sir Dudly Digges.
3 To Sir John Bourchier.
4 To Captaine Ralph Hamer.
5 To Master Arthur Swayne, &c.
6 To Master Rowland Truelove, &c.
7 -To Master John Crowe.
8 To Master Edward Rider.
9 To Captaine Simon Leeke.
10 To Master Daniell Gookin.
11 To Master Edward Bennet.
12 To Master Joseph Leming.
13 To Sir Charles North.
14 To Sir George Yeardly.
15 To Master Thomas Leveson.
16 To Captaine William Wildon.
17 To Master Henry Southey.
18 To Martins Hundred.
19 To Master Robert Moston.
20 To Master Edmund Wynne.
21 To Captaine Henry Pelham, &c.
22 To Captaine Daniell Tucker.
23 To Sir Bowyer Worsly.
24 To Master Thomas Buckley.
25 To Master Francis Harwell.
26 To Sir John Brooke.
148
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA a.d.
1621.
Who together with their Associates, have undertaken
to transport great multitudes of people and cattle to
Virginia.
§. II.
Newes from Virginia in Letters sent thence 1621.
partly published by the Company, partly tran-
scribed from the Originals, with Letters of
his Majestie, and of the Company touching
Silke-workes.
N the three last yeeres of 16 19. 1620. and 1621.
there hath beene provided and sent for Virginia
two and fortie Saile of ships, three thousand five i'iio- people
hundred and seventie men and women for Plantation, ""'.^.^''''
with requisite provisions, besides store of Cattle, and f^"^'^ /^^,
in those ships have beene above twelve hundred Mariners yeeres^i.Saik
imployed : There hath also beene sent in those yeeres o/iMps,
nine ships to the Summer Hands with about nine '^°°' ^""j
hundred people to inhabit there, in which ships two " " To tie
hundred and fortie Mariners were imployed. In which Summer
space have beene granted fifty Patents to particular Hands.
persons, for Plantation in Virginia, who with their Nine ships, 13
Associates have undertaken therein to transport great ^^rsimplmed
multitudes of people and cattell thither, which for the
most part is since performed, and the residue now in
preparing, as by the severall Declarations of each yeere
in their particulars, (manifested and approoved in our
generall and publike Quarter-Courts) and for the fuller
satisfaction of all desirous to understand the particu-
larities of such proceedings, hath beene by printing
commended to the understanding of all.
Sir Francis Wiat was sent Governour into Virginia,
who arrived there in November 1621. with Master
George Sandys Treasurer, Master Davison Secretarie,
&c. In the nine ships sent in that Fleet died but one
Passenger of seven hundred, in whose roome there was
another also borne at Sea. Their provisions were not
149
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
found so well conditioned as was expected. The Sailers
are still blamed for imbezelling the goods sent to private
persons, for killing of Swine, inordinate trucking &c.
It was ordained that for every head they should plant
but a thousand plants of Tobacco (and for the better
strength not to suffer above nine leaves to grow on
each plant) which will make about a hundred weight.
Master Gookin arrived also out of Ireland with fiftie
men of his owne, and thirtie Passengers well furnished.
The present gaine by Tobacco, had made the planting
of Corne to be neglected: and some thinke that if
Corne might there be valued (not at two shillings sixe
pence the bushell) as deere as that which is brought
from hence, there would be lesse feare of famine, or
dependance on Tobacco.
The Letters written from the Governour and Treasurer
in Virginia in the beginning of March last, (which came
hither in Aprill) gave assurance of overcomming and
bringing to perfection in this yeere, the Iron-workes,
Glasse-workes, Salt-workes, the plentlfuU sowing of all
sorts of English graine with the Plough, having now
cleered good quantitie of ground; setting of store of
Indian Corne or Maiz, sufficient for our selves, and for
trucke with the Natives ; restraint of the quantitie of
Tobacco, and amendment of it in the qualitie, learned
by time and experience; The planting of Vines and
Mulberie trees neere to their Houses, Figge-trees, Pome-
granates, Potatoes, and Cotton-wooU Seeds, Pocoon,
Indico, Sugar Canes, Madder, Woade, Hempe, Flaxe,
[IV. ix. and Silke-grasse ; and for the erecting of a faire Inne
1786.] in James Citie for the better entertainment of new
commers, whereto and to other publike workes, every
old Planter there offered freely and liberally to contri-
bute. I write the words of their Letters. And how
in a late Discoverie made, a few moneths before by
some of them to the Southward, they had past thorow
Forrest of great Forrests of Pines, fifteene or sixteene miles broad,
Pines. and above threescore miles long, very fit for Masts
150
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
for shipping, and for Pitch and Tarre, and of other
sorts of woods fit for Pot-ashes and Sope-ashes, and
came unto a most fruitful! Countrey, blessed with
abundance of Corne, reaped twice a yeere (within the
limits of Virginia) where also they understand of a
Copper Myne, an essay whereof was sent, and upon
trial! here found to be very rich, and met with a great
deale of Silke-grasse there growing, which monethly
may be cut, of which Icinds, and Cotton-wooll, all the
Cambaya and Bengala Stuifes are made in the East
Indies: and of which kindes of Silke-grasse was here-
tofore made a piece of Grogeram given to Queene
Elizabeth. And how that in December last they had ^- Harlot in
planted and cultivated in Virginia Vines of aU (as well t- ^°°^" "^
those naturally growing, as those other Plants sent them a \'%l.
from these parts of Europe) Orenge and Lemon-trees, Fines planted.
Fig-trees, Sugar Canes, Cotton-wooll, Cassavi Roots
(that make very good bread) Plantanes, Potatoes, and
sundry other Indian fruits and Plants not formerly scene
in Virginia, which at the time of their said Letters began
to prosper very well : as also their Indico Seed, for the
true cure whereof there is lately caused a Treatise to
be written.
Furthermore, they write that in a Voyage made by
Lieutenant Marmaduke Parkinson, and other English
Gentlemen, up the River of Patomacke they saw a
China Boxe at one of the Kings Houses where they Note. J China
were. This Boxe or Casket was made of braided ^'."^ '""'
Palmito, painted without, and lined in the inside with ^^^"
blue Taffata after the China or East India fashion.
They enquiring whence it came, the King of Patomecke
said, it was presented him by a certaine people of the
Mountaines toward the South-west, who got it from
another Nation beyond them some thirtie dayes journie
from Patomacke, called Acana Echinac, beeing of small
stature, who had Houses, Apparell, and Houshold stuffe
like us, and living within foure dayes journey of the
Sea, had ships come into their River : and he his
151
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
Brother along with them to that King, which offer the
Governour purposed not to refuse; and the rather, by-
reason of the continuall constant relations of all those
Savages in Virginia, of a Sea, and the way to it West,
they affirming that the heads of all those seven goodly
Rivers (the least whereof is greater then the River of
Thames, and Navigable above an hundred and fiftie
miles, and not above sixe or eight miles one from
another) which fall all into one great Bay, have their
rising out of a ridge of Hils, that runnes all along
South and North: whereby they doubt not but to
find a safe, easie, and good passage to the South Sea,
part by water, and part by Land, esteeming it not
above an hundred and fiftie miles from the head of the
Falls, where we are now planted ; the Discoverie where-
of will bring forth a most rich Trade to Cathay, China,
Japan, and those other of the East Indies, to the inesti-
mable benefit of this Kingdome.
M. Berkley. Moreover, the Letters of Master John Berkley, some-
times of Bevestone Castle in the Countie of Glocester,
(a Gentleman of an Honourable Family) likewise certifie,
that a more fit place for Iron-workes (whereof he was
made Master and Over-seer) then in Virginia, both for
Wood, Water, Mynes, and Stone, was not to be found :
And that by Whitsontide the Company might relye upon,
good quantities of Iron made by him : which also by
M.G.Sandys. Letters from Master George Sandys the third of March
last, was confirmed, with this farther description of the
place (called The falling Creeke) to be so fitting for
that purpose, as if Nature had applyed her selfe to the
wish and direction of the Workman ; where also were
great stones hardly seene else-where in Virginia, laying
on the place, as though they had beene brought thither
to advance the erection of those Workes.
Frenci The Letters of the French Vignerons or Vine-men,.
Fignerons. procured out of France, and sent over into Virginia,,
did likewise assertaine, that no Countrey in the World
was more proper for Vines, Silke, Rice, Olives, and other
152
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
fruits, then Virginia is : and that it farr excelled their
owne Countrie of Languedocke ; the Vines of divers
sorts being in abundance naturally over all the Countrey.
They scarsly beleeved those fruits to be Grapes till they
had opened them and scene their kernels; such was
their bignesse. They are in love with the Countrey,
and having planted some cuttings of Vines at Michael-
mas last, in their Letters affirme that these bare Grapes
alreadie this Spring to their great wonder, as being a
thing they suppose not heard off in any other Countrie.
A taste of Wine made of the wilde Grape, they last
yeere sent, with hope to send a good quantitie this next
Vintage ; and that the Mulbery trees, where they abode Mulberies
were in wonderfull abundance, and much excelling both
in goodnesse and greatnesse those of their owne Countrey
of Languedocke : and that those Silke-wormes they have,
prosper exceeding well, and some Silke they hope to
send this yeere, there wanting nothing to set up that
rich Commoditie but store of hands wherewith England
doth abound. Of the fruit of which Mulbery trees
(as of a Plumme there plentifully growing) they would
make wholsome Drinkes for the Colonie and people
there.
Opachankanough doted on a house which the English
had built for him of our fashion : hee dwelled therein, [IV. ix.
shewed it to his owne people and strangers with pride, 1787-]
keeping his Keyes charily, and busying himselfe with
locking and unlocking the doores, sometimes a hundred
times in a day, admiring the strangenesse of that Engine,
a Locke and Key. Hee gave the English leave to seate
themselves any where on his Rivers where the Natives
are not actually seated, and entred into fiirther covenants
of amity, for reciprocall defence, mutuall transportation,
discovery of mines, &c. They report also of Copper
Peeces presented to Opachank : which Copper is gathered
at the foote of the Mountaines, where they digge a hole
in the ground, in which they put the oare, and make
thereon a great fire, which causeth it to runne into a
153
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
masse, and become malleable: neither have they any
tooles, but smooth stones for that purpose. This seemed
strange to ours which heard the English Copper passeth
eleven fires.
His Majesties gracious Letter to the Earle of
South-hampton, Treasurer, and to the Counsell
and Company of Virginia here : commanding
the present setting up of Silke workes, and
planting of Vines in Virginia.
Right trusty and welbeloved, We greete you well :
whereas We understand, that the Soyle in Virginia
naturally yeeldeth store of excellent Mulberry trees, We
have taken into Our Princely consideration, the great
benefit that may grow to the Adventurers and Planters,
by the breede of Silkewormes, and setting up of Silke-
workes in those parts. And therefore of Our gracious
Inclination to a designe of so much honour and advantage
to the publike, We have thought good, as at sundry
other times, so now more particularly to recommend it to
your speciall care, hereby charging and requiring you to
take speedy order, that our people there, use all possible
diligence in breeding Silkewormes, and erecting Silke-
workes, and that they rather bestow their travell in
compassing this rich and solid Commodity, then in that
of Tobacco ; which besides much unnecessary expence,
brings with it many disorders and inconveniences. And
for as much as Our servant, John Bonoell hath taken
paines in setting downe the true use of the Silkeworme,
together with the Art of Silkemaking, and of planting
Vines, and that his experience and abilities may much
conduce to the advancement of this businesse ; We doe
hereby likewise require you to cause his directions, both
for the said Silkeworkes and Vineyards, to be carefully
put in practice thorowout our Plantations there, that so
the worke may goe on cheerefully, and receive no more
interruptions nor delayes.
154
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
Given under Our Signet, at our Pallace of Westminster,
the ninth day of July, in the twentieth yeare of our
Raigne of England, France and Ireland, and of Scotland
the five and fiftieth.
To Our right trusty and right welbeloved Cousin and
Councellour, Henry, Earle of South-hampton, Treasurer
of our Plantation in Virginia, and to Our trusty and
welbeloved, the Deputy, and others of Our said
Plantation.
Virginia. Windebank.
The Treasurour, Counsell and Company of Vir-
ginia, to the Governour and Counsell of State
in Virginia residing.
AFter our very harty commendations : His Sacred
Majesty, out of his high wisedome and care of the
noble Plantation of Virginia, hath beene graciously pleased
to direct his Letters to us here in England, thereby com-
manding us to advance the setting up of Silkworkes, and
planting of Vineyards ; as by the Copy herewith sent,
you may perceive.
The intimation of his Majesties pleasure, we conceive
to be a motive sufficient, to induce you to imploy all
your indevors to the setting forward those two Staple
Commodities of Silke and Wine ; which brought to their
perfection, will infinitely redound to the honour, benefit,
and comfort of the Colony, and of this whole Kingdome :
yet we, in discharge of our duties, doe againe renew our
often and iterated Instructions, and invite you cheerefuUy,
to fall upon these two so rich, and necessary Commodities.
And if vou shall finde any person, either through negli-
gence or wilfulnesse, to omit the planting of Vines, and
Mulberry trees, in orderly and husbandly manner, as by
the Booke is prescribed, or the providing of convenient
roomes for the breeding of Wormes ; we desire they may
by severe censures and punishment, be compelled there-
unto. And on the contrary, that all favour and possible
155
A.D.
l62I.
[IV.
1788.]
The Booke is
printed, con-
taining many
good rules both
for Silktoorks,
Vines y other
husbandry ;
but too long
here to be
inserted.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
assistance be given to such as yeelde willing obedience to
his Highnesse Commands therein. The breach or per-
formance whereof, as we are bound to give a strict
account, so will it also be required of you the Governour
and Counsell especially. Herein there can be no Plea,
either of difficulty or impossibility ; but all the contrary
appeares, by the naturall abundance of those two excellent
Plants afore-named every where in Virginia : neither will
such excuses be admitted, nor any other pretences serve,
whereby the businesse be at all delayed : and as wee
formerly sent at our great charge the French Vignerons
to you, to teach you their Art ; so for the same purpose
we now commend this Booke unto you, to serve as an
Instructour to every one, and send you store of them to
be dispersed over the whole Colony, to every Master of
a Family one, Silke-seede you shall receive also by this
Ship, sufficient to store every man : so that there wants
nothing, but industry in the Planter, suddenly to bring
the making of Silke to its perfection : which either for
their owne benefit (we hope) they will willingly indevour,
or by a wholesome and necessary severity they must be
inforced.
This particular advice we thought necessary to give
you, lest that if it should have come to you mingled with
others, you would have interpreted it as a common
Instruction, or a businesse that was not taken so to heart,
as this by us, and we hope will be by you in humble
obedience to his Sacred Majesties Royall Instructions.
The paines and industry of tlie Authour, for the benefit
of the Plantations (being a member of our Company) are
sufficient arguments of his good affection to the Action,
and they both deserve your best acceptance and ours, that
others may thereby be invited to impart their knowledge
in businesse of this and the like nature ; whereby the
Colony may not onely be supported for the present, but
brought to that perfection, that may redound to the glory
of God, the honour of his Majestic, and the inestimable
benefit of his noble Kingdomes ; which as they are the
156
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
true aime and end the Adventurers and Planters have
proposed unto themselves, so ought they to be still the
honorable seedes to put others also forward in this action :
we commend this businesse againe to your speciall care.
And so we commit you all, and your waighty affaires, to
the protection of the Almighty.
Henry Southampton.
§. III.
The barbarous Massacre committed by the Savages
on the English-Planters, March the two and
twentieth, 1621. after the English accompt.
He last May there came Letters from Sir Francis
Wiat Governour in Virginia, which did advertise
that when in November last he arrived in Virginia,
and entred upon his Government, he found the Country
setled in a peace (as all men there thought) sure and
unviolable, not onely because it was solemnly ratified and
sworne, and at the request of the Native King stamped in
Brasse, and fixed to one of his Oakes of note, but as
being advantagious to both parts ; to the Savages as the
weaker, under which they were safely sheltred and
defended ; to us, as being the easiest way then thought
to pursue and advance our projects, or buildings, plant-
ings, and effecting their conversion by peaceable and faire
meanes. And such was the conceit of firme peace and
amity, as that there was seldome or never a Sword worne,
and a Peece seldomer, except for a Deere or Fowle. By
which assurance of security, the Plantations of particular Hasty
Adventurers and Planters were placed scatteringly and '"""ly-
straglingly as a choyce veine of rich ground invited them,
and the further from neighbours held the better. The
houses generally set open to the Savages, who were
alwayes friendly entertained at the table of the English,
and commonly lodged in their Bed-chambers. The old
Planters (as they thought now come to reape the benefit
of their long travels) placed with wonderfull content upon
157
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
their private dividends, and the planting of particular
Hundreds and Colonies pursued with an hopefuU alacrity,
all our projects (saith he) in a faire way, and their
familiarity with the Natives, seeming to open a faire gate
for their conversion to Christianity.
The Country being in this estate, an occasion was
Opachanka- ministred of sending to Opachankano the King of these
noesdissimula- Savages, about the middle of March last, what time the
Tem"^ Messenger returned backe with these words from him,
security. That he held the peace concluded so firme, as the Skie
should sooner fall then it dissolved : yea, such was the
treacherous dissimulation of that people, who then had
contrived our destruction, that even two dayes before the
massacre, some of our men were guided thorow the
woods by them in safety : and one Browne, who then to
learne the language lived among the Warrascoyacks (a
Province of that King) was in friendly manner sent backe
by them to Captaine Hamor his Master, and many the
like passages, rather increasing our former confidence,
then any wise in the world ministring the least suspition
of the breach of the peace, or of what instantly ensued ;
yea, they borrowed our owne Boats to convey themselves
crosse the River (on the bankes of both sides whereof all
our Plantations were) to consult of the divellish murder
that ensued, and of our utter extirpation, which God of
his mercy (by the meanes of some of themselves con-
verted to Christianity) prevented : and as well on the
Friday morning (the fatall day) the two and twentieth of
March, as also in the evening, as in other dayes before,
they came unarmed into our houses, without Bowes or
Arrowes, or other weapons, with Deere, Turkies, Fish,
[IV. ix. Furres, and other provisions, to sell and trucke with
i7»9-J us for Glasse Beades, and other trifles : yea, in some
places, sat downe at Breakfast with our people at their
tables, whom immediately with their owne tooles and
weapons, either laid downe, or standing in their houses,
they basely and barbarously murthered, not sparing
either age or sexe, man, woman or childe ; so sodaine
158
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
in their cruell execution, that few or none discerned
the weapon or blow that brought them to destruction.
In which manner they also slew many of our people
then at their severall workes and husbandries in the
fields, and without their houses, some in planting
Come and Tobacco, some in gardening, some in
making Bricke, building, sawing, and other kindes
of husbandry, they well knowing in what places and
quarters each of our men were, in regard of their
daily familiarity, and resort to us for trading and 347- ^^'"^
other negotiations, which the more willingly was by '^^'^ basely
us continued and cherished for the desire we had of ""'"'A?/
efrectmg that great master-peece or workes, their con- more.
version. And by this meanes that fataU Friday morning. He had
there fell under the bloudy and barbarous hands of «"''"«' ^^t"^'
that perfidious and inhumane people, contrary to all ^^^^'"^^
lawes of God and Men, of Nature and Nations, three ,7. testifying
hundred and forty seven men, women, and children, the plentiful
most by their owne weapons ; and not being content <:'>mming up of
with taking away life alone, they fell after againe ' ' 7"°"^
upon the dead, making as well as they could a fresh attributirigthe
murder, defacing, dragging, and mangling the dead ill successe of
carkasses into many peeces, and carrying some parts (kings, to the
away in derision, with base and bruitish triumph, "q^' l"^-
Neither yet did these Beasts spare those amongst converting the
the rest well knowne unto them, from whom they Natives,
had daily received many benefits and favours, but ""^"^^ ^^ '"''^
spitefully also massacred them. One instance of it, "'i'j^^^"'
amongst too many shall serve for all. wanted but
That worthy religious Gentleman, Master George meanes(indeed
Thorpe Esquire, Deputie of the Colledge lands, some- '<> further
times one of his Majesties Pensioners, and in one ''?':'"' ""^'/'*
of the principall places of command in Virginia, did procured) Sure
so truely and earnestly affect their conversion, and binde, sure
was so tender over them, that whosoever under his f^'^- Pi"3
authority had given them but the least displeasure 'ff^"-^^'^
or discontent, hee punished them severely. He thought j^^,„.
nothing too deare for them, and as being desirous deceived.
159
AD. PUHCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1021,
to binde them Onto him by his many courtesies, he
never denied them any thing that they asked him,
insomuch that when these Savages complained unto
him of the fiercenesse of our Mastives, most implacable
and terrible unto them (knowing them by instinct
it seemes, to be but treacherous and false-hearted
friends to us, better then our selves) he to gratifie
them in all things, for the winning of them by degrees,
caused some of them to be killed in their presence,
to the great displeasure of the owners, and would
have all the rest guelt (had he not beene hindered)
to make them the gentler and the milder to them.
Hee was not onely too kinde and beneficiall to the
common sort, but also to their King, to whom he
oft resorted, and gave many presents which he knew
to be highly pleasing to him. And whereas this King
before dwelt onely in a Cottage, or rather a denne
or Hog-stye, made with a few poles and stickes,
and covered with Mats after their wilde manner :
to civilize him, he first built him a faire House,
according to the English fashion, in which (as before
is said) he tooke such joy, especially in his Locke
and Key, which hee so admired, as locking and
unlocking his doore an hundred times a day, he
thought no device in all the world was comparable
to it.
Thus insinuating himselfe to this King for his
Religious purposes, he conferred after with him oft,
and intimated to him matters of our Religion ; and
thus farre the Pagan confessed, moved by naturall
Principles, that our God was a good God, and better
much then theirs, in that hee had with so many good
things above them endowed us. He told him, if
he would serve our God, he should be partaker of
all those good things we had, and of farre greater
then sense or reason ever could imagine. He won
upon him, as he thought in many things, so as hee
gave him faire hearing and good answer, and seemed
1 60
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad
1621.
to be much pleased with his discourse, and in his
companie. And both he and his people for the daily
courtesies this good Gentleman did to one or other
of them, did professe such outward love and respect
unto him, as nothing could seeme more : but all was
litde regarded after by this Viperous brood, as the
sequell shewed : for they not onely wilfully murdered
him, but cruelly and felly, out of a divellish malice,
did so many barbarous despights and foule scornes
after to his dead corps, as are unbefitting to be heard
by any civill eare. One thing I cannot omit, that
when this good Gentleman, upon his fatall houre, was
warned by his man (who perceived some treachery
intended to them by these hell-hounds) to looke to
himselfe, and withall ran away for feare of the mischiefe
he strongly apprehended, and so saved his owne life ;
yet his Master, out of the conscience of his owne
good meaning, and faire deserts ever towards them,
was so voide of all suspition, and so full of confidence,
that they had sooner killed him, then he could or
would beleeve they meant any ill against him.
At the time of this Massacre there were three or
foure of our Ships in James River, and one in the
next River, and daily more to come in, as three
did within foureteene daies after ; one of which they
endevoured to have surprised, but in vaine, as had
also beene their whole attempt, had any the least
fore-knowledge beene in those places where the Massacre
was committed : yet were the hearts of the English
ever stupid, and averted from beleeving any thing
that might weaken their hopes of speedy winning
the Savages to Civilitie and Religion, by kinde usage
and faire conversing amongst them. Hee, and the
whole Counsell writ further. That Almighty God (they [I^- i^-
doubt not) hath his great worke to doe in this Tragedy, '79°- J
and will thereout draw honour and glory to his great
Name ; safety, and a more flourishing estate to them-
selves, and the whole Plantation there ; and the more
XIX 161 L
A°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1021.
speedy conversion of the Children of those Savages
to himselfe, since he so miraculously preserved so
many of the English, whose desire to draw those
people to Religion, by the carelesse neglect of their
owne safeties, seemes to have beene the greatest cause
of their owne ensuing destruction. Yet it pleased
God to use some of them as instruments to save
many of their lives, whose soules they had formerly
saved, as at James Citie, and other places, and the
Pinnace trading in Pamounlcey River ; all whose lives
Converted were saved by a converted Indian, disclosing the plot
Indian. ;„ the instant.
Manner of the These wilde naked Natives live not in great numbers
Savages life, together, but dispersed, and in small companies ; and
where most together, not above two hundred, and
that very rare, in other places fifty or forty, or
thereabouts, and many miles distant from one another,
in such places among the Woods where they either
found, or might easeliest make some cleared plots
of ground, which they imploy wholly in setting of
Corne, whereby to sustaine their lives. These small
and scattered Companies (as I have said) had warning
given from one another in all their habitations to
meete at the day and houre appointed for our destruction,
at all our severall Townes and places seated upon the
River ; some were directed to goe to one place, some
to another, all to be done at the same day and time,
which they did accordingly : some entring their Houses
under colour of trucking, and so taking advantage,
others drawing our men abroad upon faire pretences,
and the rest suddenly falling upon those that were
at their labours.
By Letters and those that returned it is certified,
that besides Master George Thorpe, before mentioned,
Master John Berkeley, Captaine Nathaniel Powel, and
his wife (daughter of Master William Tracy, and great
with Childe) and Captaine Maycocke, all Gentlemen
of birth, vertue, and industry, and of the Councell
162
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
there, suffered under this their cruelty and treason.
That the slaughter had beene universall, if God had
not put it into the heart of an Indian belonging to
one Perry, to disclose it, who living in the house
of one Pace, was urged by another Indian his brother
(who came the night before and lay with him) to
kill Pace (so commanded by their King, as he declared)
as he would kill Perry telling further, that by such
an houre in the morning, a number would come from
divers places to finish the Execution ; who failed not
at the time : Perries Indian rose out of his bed and
reveales it to Pace, that used him as a Sonne : And
thus the rest of the Colony that had warning given
them, by this meanes was saved. Such was (God
be thanked for it) the good fruit of an InfideU con-
verted to Christianity ; for though three hundred and
more of ours died by many of these Pagan Infidels,
yet thousands of ours were saved by the meanes of
one of them alone which was made a Christian :
Blessed be God for ever, whose mercy endureth for
ever ; Blessed be God whose mercy is above his justice,
and farre above all his works ; who wrought this
deliverance whereby their soules escaped even as a
Bird out of the snare of the Fowler.
Pace upon this discovery, securing his house, before
day rowed over the River to James City (in that place
neere three miles in bredth) and gave notice thereof
to the Governour, by which meanes they were prevented
there, and at such other Plantations as was possible
for a timely intelligence to be given ; for where they
saw us standing upon our Guard, at the sight of a
Peece they all ranne away. In other places that could
have no notice, some Peeces with munition (the use
whereof they know not) were there carried away,
and some few Cattell also were destroyed by them. Gunpowder
And as Fame divulgeth (not without probable grounds) '"^"f'^l!"^'.
their King hath since caused the most part of the "captam '"
Gunpowder by him surprized, to be sowne, to draw Smiiis time.
163
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
there-from the like increase, as of his Maiz or Come,
in Harvest next. And that it is since discovered,
that the last Summer Opachankano practised with a
King of the Easterne shoare (no well-wilier of his)
to furnish him with store of poison (naturally growing
in his Countrey) for our destruction, which hee
absolutely refused, though he sent him great store
of Beades, and other Presents to winne him thereunto :
which he, with five or six of his great men, offered
to be ready to justifie against him. That the true
cause of this surprize was most by the instigation
of the Divell (enemy to their salvation) and the daily
feare that possest them, that in time wee by our
growing continually upon them, would dispossesse them
of this Country, as they had beene formerly of the
West Indies by the Spaniard ; produced this bloudy
act. That never griefe and shame possessed any
people more then themselves, to be thus butchered
by so naked and cowardly a people, who dare not
stand the presentment of a stafFe in manner of a
Peece, nor an uncharged Peece in the hands of a
Woman, from which they flye as so many Hares ;
much faster then from their tormenting Divell, whom
they worship for feare, though they acknowledge they
love him not.
[IV. ix. §. nil.
A Note of provisions necessarie for every Planter
or personall Adventurer to Virginia : and
accidents since the Massacre.
He Inconveniences that have happened to some
persons which have transported themselves from
England to Virginia, without provisions necessary
to sustaine themselves, hath greatly hindered the Pro-
gresse of that Noble Plantation : For prevention of the
like disorders hereafter, that no man suffer either through
ignorance or misinformation ; it is thought requisite to
164-
NECESSARIES FOR VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
publish this short Declaration : wherein is contayned a
particular of such necessaries, as either private Families
or single persons shall have cause to furnish themselves
with, for their better support at their first landing in
Virginia ; whereby also greater numbers may receive in
part directions how to provide themselves.
Apparell for one man and so after the rate for more.
One Monmouth Cap
Three falling bands
Three shirts
One Waste-coate
One sute of Canvase
One sute of Frize
One sute of Cloth
Three paire of Irish stockins
Foure paire of shooes
One paire of garters
One doozen of points
One paire of Canvase sheets
Seven Ells of Canvase, to make a bed and boulster, to
be filled in Virginia 8.s.
One Rug for a bed 8.s. which with the bed serving
for two men, halfe is 8.s.
Five Ells coorse Canvase, to make a bed at Sea for
two men, to be filled with straw 4.S. 5.S.
One coorse Rug at Sea for two men, will cost 6.s. is
for one.
4.1i.
Victuall for a whole yeere for one man and so
for more after the rate.
Eight bushels of Meale 2.1i.
Two bushels of Pease at 3.S. 6.s.
Two bushels of Oatmeale 4.S. 6.d. 9.S.
One gallon of Aquavitae 2.s. 6.
One gallon of Oyle 3.S. 6.d.
Two gallons of Vineger i.s. 2.s.
3.1i. 3s.
'65
I.s.
10. d.
I.s.
3-d.
7.S.
6.d.
2.S.
2.d.
7.S.
6.d.
lO.S.
15.S.
4.S.
8
.s. 8.
10.
3.d.
8.S.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1021.
Armes for one man, but if halfe of your men
have Armour it is sufficient, so that all
have Peeces and Swords.
One Armour compleat, light ly.s.
One long Piece, five foot or five and a halfe, neere
Musket bore i.li. 2.s.
One Sword 5.S.
One Belt i.s.
One Bandaleere i.s. 6.d.
Twentie pound of Powder i8.s.
Sixtie pound of shot or lead, Pistol! and Goose shot 5.S.
3.11. 9.S. 6.d.
Tooles for a Family of sixe persons, and so after
the rate for more.
Five broad howes at 2.s. a piece lo.s.
Five narrow howes at i6.d. a piece 6.s. 8.d.
Two broad Axes at 3.S. 8.d. a piece y.s. 4.d.
Five felling Axes at i8.d. a piece y.s. 6.d.
Two Steele Hand-sawes at i6.d. a piece 2.s. 8.d.
Two two-hand-sawes at 5.S. a piece lo.s.
One whip-saw, set and filed with boxe, file and wrest
lO.S.
Two Hammers i2.d. a piece 2.s.
Three shovels i8.d. a piece 4,3. 6.d.
Two Spades at i8.d. a piece 3.5.
Two Augers 6.d. a piece i.s.
Six Chissels 6.d. a piece 3.S.
Two percers stocked 4.d. a piece 8.d.
Three gimblets 2.d. a piece 6.d.
Two hatchets 2i.d. a piece 3.S, 6.d.
Two froves to cleave pale i8.d. 3.3.
Two hand-bils 20. a piece 3,s. 4.d.
One Grindlestone 4.S. 4.3.
Nailes of all sorts to the value of 2.1i.
Two Pickaxes 3.3.
6.1i. 2.3. 8.d.
166
NECESSARIES FOR VIRGINIA ad.
1621.
Houshold Implements for a Family of six persons,
and so for more or lesse after the rate.
One Iron Pot y.s.
One Kettle 6.s.
One large frying-pan 2.s. 6.d.
One Griddiron i.s. 6.d.
Two Skillets 5.S.
One Spit 2.s.
Platters, dishes, Spoones of wood 4.S.
i.li. 8.S.
For Sugar, Spice, and fruit and at Sea for six men
12. s. 6.d.
So the full charge of apparell victuall, armes, stooles, &
houshold-stufFe, and after this rate for each person,
will amount unto about the sum of 12.I. lo.s.
The passage of each man is 6.1i.
The fraight of these provisions for a man, will be about
halfe a Tun, which is i.li. lo.s.
So the whole charge wil amount to about 20.I.
Nets, Hookes, Lines, and a Tent must be added if
the number of people be greater, as also some Kine.
And this is the usuall proportion that the Virginia
Company doe bestow upon their Tenants which they
send.
Whosoever transports himselfe or any other at his
owne charge unto Virginia shall for each person so
transported before Midsummer 1625. have to him and
his heires for ever fiftie Acres of Land upon a first, and
fiftie Acres upon a second division.
Sir George Yeardly intending to visit Smiths lies, fell [IV. ix.
sicke and thereupon sent Master Porey with Estinien '792-]
Moll a Frenchman to finde a convenient place to make g^^^ ° '
Salt, in Namenicus King of Pawtuxunt came and shewed m. p'orie.
them his naked braest, protesting the inside to be as free Naked breast
ill meaning, as that from deformitie, and promising '^'^'"t^d
welcome if they would come into his Countrey, which ^'"*'
they promised. After this they having conferred with
167
A.D.
l62I.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Provident
Savages.
Kiptopeke King of Aquohanok, they passed Russels lies
and Onancoke, and arrived at Pawtuxunt, at Attough-
comoco the habitation of Namenacus, and Wamanato his
brother, who came aboord them with a brasse Kettle bright
without, within full of Oysters. He was shewed their
hunting conducted forth by the younger and home by the
elder : presented also with Beavers skinnes, which hee
requited with such things as Wamanato said he would
keepe them while hee lived, and burie them with him
being dead : Namenacus his breast proved ulcerous within
and treacherous, but without harme to them by reason of
their circumspection : an ambush being provided in a
Wood at a point where they would have had them land.
Kiptokepe is the elder brother, and yeelded the moytie of
his Countrie to the younger, bearing still the greater
burthen in government but lesse honour, whereas on
the Westerne shore, the younger beares the charge, the
elder the dignitie. These are the most thriftie Savages,
keeping Corne for all the yeere and having to spare,
whereas others want for one halfe. They are also more
cIvIU, just reckoners, use no Black-boy-ceremonles, and in
Affinltie and Consanguinitie observe a larger distance in
their Marriages.
Anno 1622. the Abigail was sent, and therein Captaine
Barwick with five and twentle men to build ships and
Boats, and others to build the East Indie Schoole. That
fatall Massacre, some thinke to have beene occasioned by
Nemattanow, a Savage called usually Jacke of the Feather,
In best esteeme amongst them for courage and pollcie ;
who perswading one Morgan to go with him to Pamaunke
Cause of the jq trucke, by the way slue him two or three dayes after
hee returned to Morgans house, and answered his Servants
asking for their Master that hee was dead, whereupon they
would have had him to Master Thorpe, but hee so moved
their patience that they shot him. Hee (whom the
Savages esteemed free from hurt by the English and shot
free) desired before his death that they would bury him
with the English, and not make it knowne that hee was
i68
Jack of the
Feather.
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA a.d.
1622.
slaine with a bullet. Opachancanough was moved with
his losse so as he threatned revenge, which he could not
effect but by treacherous pretence of greatest peace, after
fourteene dayes by so many deaths, giving life to the
following Tragedie : which you heard delivered by publike
Authoritie.
This terrible blow so affrighted all that it was con-
cluded, that all the pettie Plantations should be left,
to make good a few places (some say five or six) whither
for want of Boats their goods and cattell could not be
so suddenly conveyed, but that much was exposed to
the Savages cruell gleanings. Master Gookins at Nuports M. Gookim.
newes, having thirtie five of all sorts with him refused that
order, and made good his part against the Savages.
Master Jordan at Beggars Bush gathered a few about M. Jordan.
him, and fortified himselfe in despight of the enemie.
Mistris Procter would have adventured the like, and MistHs
did it for three weekes till the Officers (as some report) ^""■'''■•
would no longer permit her. Captaine Nuse and Cap-
taine Crawshaw are much for providence and valour
commended. Waters and his wife were kept prisoners
by the Nansamuds (this Edward Waters is one of those
three which first stayed in Bermuda, and found the great
piece of Ambergreece) whence by chance upon occasion of
a Boat lost by ill weather (whose company were saved)
and comming on their shoare, they being busied in their
Triumphs and Dances for joy, they found opportunitie to
get into a Canoa, and escaped to Kecoughtan. Captaine
Nuce called his Neighbours together when he heard of
the Massacre, entrenched himselfe, and mounted three
Peeces of Ordnance, so that in foure dayes hee was strong
enough to defend himselfe against all the Barbarian forces.
Captaine Crashaw with five others fortified himselfe in
despight of all the Savages, with the helpe of other
Savages, and made offer to the Colonie, if they would
send him a shallop with Armes, men and provision for
Trade, that the next Harvest he would provide them
Corne sufficient, which then (in the latter end of June)
169
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
was little to bee had in the Countrie. Captaine Maddeson
is reported to have given over-hastie credit to an exiled
King, which comming to Patowomeke for succour and
not obtayning it, in revenge devised and slandered the
Patowomekes with intent of betraying and killing the
English : which credulitie produced effects of crueltie and
the conceits of bloudie treacherie conceived (if others
conceive not falsly) treacherie and bloud.
The last Summer 1623. they set forth a company which
destroyed the Savages Come and houses, and surprized
Pamaunke chiefe Seat of Opachancanough. And the last
report is that the Colonic is now in health, and that the
Savages have returned seven of the English which they
held prisoners, out of selfe guiltinesse and feare of
revenge seeing ships still come thither, and wearie
of their watchings and manifold losses and dangers.
Opachankanough the author of the Massacre is said to
have come to his end by meanes more sutable to his
deserts, then perhaps agreeing with Christian simplicitie.
A sicknesse after the Massacre fell amongst the English,
by reason that from neere eightie Plantations, they were
brought to fewer then eight, these distracted with a
sudden remoove and distressed wants. It is thought
that 1800. survived both.
[IV. ix. His Majestie not a little moved with the losse of so
■793-] many his good Subjects, and some complaints also being
made of the Government, many of the Virginian Com-
pany here holding no such uniforme agreement as was
meete: both shewed his gracious bountie in the gift
of divers Armes out of the Towre, with further promises
of his assistance ; and appointed Commissioners to examine
the Causes of Virginias not answering to the care and cost
in so long time bestowed on her. I am no fit Relater of
things ensuing, and farre unfitter Umpire in such differ-
ences. I will now speake to God rather then men ;
Quid enim nisia vota supersunt. My Prayers shall be
to the Almightie for Virginias prosperitie ; whose
Dwarfish growth after so many yeeres, convulsions by
170
OCCURRENTS IN VIRGINIA ad.
1593-
dissentions there and heere, lamentations in the com-
plaints of both sides (a Plurisie Stich in her sides,
continuing after so much bJoud taken from her) weak-
nesse. Sinne armes after such successions of armes
and forces; Tantalean starvings amidst both Magazines
and fertilitie ; subversions here, and selfe-eversions there
(perversnesse I mention not) rather then conversions of
Savages after so many learned and holy Divines sent
thither ; povertie, sicknesse, deaths, in so rich a Soyle,
and healthfull a Climate ; what should I say ? I can
deplore, I doe not much admire, that we have had so
much in Virginia, and have so little ; the promises as
probable as large, and yet the premisses yeelding in the
conclusion this Virginian sterilitie, and meagrenesse rather
then the multiplied issue and thrift of a worthy Matron
and Mother of a Family, answerable to her great Inheri-
tance there, and Jointer from hence. But what doe I in
plaints, where some perhaps will complaine of my
complayning ? I will expect better from God and his
Majestie, and while my selfe meane-while in the better
thriving of the English Colonic in Bermudas or Summer
Hands.
Chap. XVI.
English Voyages to the Summer Hands ; Henry
Mays shipwracke there 1593- The first
Colonie sent 161 2.
r is now time to leave the Continent and Suj>. cap. 6.
visit Bermudas, of Sir George Summers
called Summer Hands. The occasion you
had before related by Master Strachie,
and that some of their Company tooke
up their abode there. This was not the
first time that English eyes had seene
those Hands. For in the yeere 1593. Henry May
had beene there ; one of Captaine Lancasters Company,
which had beene in the East Indies, and in returning had
171
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1593-
put over to Trinidad, and thence to Puerto Rico and
Hispaniola for refreshing, where Captaine Lancaster
desired a Frenchman Monsieur de Barbotiere, to give
this Henry May passage home with him. They departed
from Laguna the last of November, and December the
seventeenth were wracked on the North-west part of
Bermuda about midnight. The Pilots making themselves
at noone to be twelve leagues to the Southwards of the
Hand, certified the Captaine that they were from all
danger : and demanded their wine of height, which
they had thought they had beene cast away by the shore,
but were seven leagues ofF; by the helpe of their Boat,
and a Raft, sixe and twentie of above fiftie were saved.
I (saith May) durst not presse in, but stayed in the ship
almost full of water, till the Captaine being entred the
Boat, called me to him, and I entred leaving the better
halfe of our company to the mercie of the Sea. We
rowed all day till an houre or two before night, yet
we could come on Land towing the Raft with the
Boat. Having beene all day without drinke, wee
sought long, and at last one digging among weeds,
found fresh water being only raine water, which was
all we found. It pleased God that we had saved our
Carpenters tooles, and going roundly to worke, we built
a Barke of some eighteene tun, for the most part with
trunnels and a few nailes. For tacklings we made a
Voyage to our ship and cut downe her shrouds ; in stead
of Pitch wee made Lime and mixed it with the Oyle of
Tortoises ; assoone as the Carpenters had calked, spread-
ing it on with a sticke, which was soone dried by the heat,
being in Aprill wee hasted away for feare of water failing
us. We made two great chists and calked them, and
stowed them on each side our maine Mast, and so put
in our provisions of raine water, and thirteene living
Tortoyses for our food. The Hogs were leane, and there
was store of Fowle, Fish and Tortoyses. There is
also good fishing for Pearles.
The eleventh of May we were cleere of the Land for
172
ENGLISH VOYAGES TO BERMUDA ad.
l6l2.
our Voyage to New-found-land, and on the twentieth fell
with the Land neere to Cape Briton, and thence to the
Banke of New-found-land, where a Barke of Falmouth
tooke us in, wherein I had passage home, and arrived at
Falmouth in August 1594. Thus much for May.
Let us now heare the Relation sent from an English
Colonic planted there under the government of Master
Richard Moore. This following Discourse hath beene
printed, and was added to a Tractate of Master Silvester
Jordan touching the wracke of Sir Thomas Gates and Sir
George Summers on the Bermudas, which beeing delivered
more fully by Master Strachie sup. cap. 6. I have here
omitted, and proceed to the English proceedings in those
Hands.
Being bound for the Sommer Hands, in the Ship called
the Plough, wee imbarked the eight and twentieth of [IV. ix.
Aprill 1 612. So passing down to Gravesend, wee '794]
anchored at Tilbery-hope, untill the fifth of May. The
wind comming faire, wee put forth and came to the
Downes the sixth of May, where we staied till the
ninth. And then setting forward wee had a faire and
comfortable passage, and by Gods blessing found so direct
a course, that on the eleventh of July in the morning,
betwixt nine and ten of the clocke wee descried our hoped
and desired Hands, and in the afternoone of the same day,
about three a clocke, wee arrived in a verie safe harbour
neere S. Georges Hand, there wee landed all our men Saint Georges
and women, and had beene at anchor above an houre, '''"'*•
before wee could heare of our three men which had beene ^^f"'^ f ^''
left there. As soone as wee had landed all our company, »'"'"^'^'>
11 • , II 1 T J r oenind, and
we went all to praier, and gave thankes unto the Lord tor ^lentnotto
our safe arrival! ; and whilest wee were at praier, wee saw Virginia,
our three men come rowing downe to us, the sight of JIarter,
whom did much rejoyce us: so they welcomming us, and ^f"j
wee the like to them againe, we sung a Psalme, and
praised the Lord for our safe meeting, and went to
supper.
The next day, being the Sabbath day, which wee
173
Commodities
of the
Countfie.
Fishes.
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1612.
dedicated to God in the best manner wee could, wee
abode still in the foresaid Hand, with all the rest of
our company till Munday morning, being the thirteenth
of July : Then we went up with our Ship and company
higher into the harbour, to the place where these three
men had planted themselves. They had planted Corne,
great store of Wheat, Beanes, Tobacco and Mellons, with
many other good things for the use of man : Besides they
had wrought upon Timber, in squaring and sawing of
Cedar Trees, for they intended to build a small Pinnace to
Carrie them into Virginia, being almost out of hope and
comfort of our comming ; because Cap. Davies time was
to have beene with them long before we came.
Wee were no sooner come within a league of the
Land, but a company of Fish, as it were, met us, and
never left us till wee were come to an ankor within
the harbour ; and as soone as we had passed over our
businesse, and all things safe and in order, with a Hooke
and Line wee tooke more then our whole company was
able to eate, so that there was enough to feed many more.
The next day after the Sabbath, wee went with our Net
and Boat, and if we would have loaded two Boats wee
might; and so may you do day by day. Fishes doe
so abound, and there be of these sorts. Mullets, Breames,
Hog-fish, Rock-fish and Lobstars, with more sorts of
other Fish which I cannot name.
Turkles there be of a mightie bignesse ; one Turkic
great, an of ^yj ggj.yg q^ suffice three or foure score at a meale,
especially if it be a shee Turkle, for shee will have as
many Egges as will suffice fiftie or threescore at a meale :
This I can assure you, they are verie good and wholsome
meat, none of it bad, no not so much as the verie Guts
and Maw of it, for they are exceeding fkt, and make as
good Tripes as your beasts bellies in England. And for
Fowle. Fowle we went the third day of our arrivall unto the
Bird Hands (as wee call them) and using neither Stick,
nor Stone-bow, nor Gun, we tooke them up with our
hands so many as wee would, that everie one of the com-
174
Tortoises
ENGLISH VOYAGES TO BERMUDA ad.
1612.
pany were to have some three, some foure a piece ; three
for a child, boy or girle, for a man foure ; then reckon
what those that served some fourescore people did
amount unto. But this is for certaine, if wee would
have brought awaie twice so many more we might.
Some sixe daies after our comming, wee sent out for
Hogges, so the company which went out brought home Hogs by reason
some : for the meate of them, I hold your Mutton of of their food
England not of so sweet and pleasant a taste. ^''"''' '""' ""''
For the inclination of the weather, considering in what ,tomackes ex-
climate it lies, wee have had for the space of some fortie traordinarily
daies no raine, but verie coole and fresh gales of wind, 'w^/.
yet in the day time verie hot : but wee agree with it verie wather.
well, and not a man that had lien sicke or diseased, but
all likes well, and followes and imploies themselves to
one businesse or other.
For the fruites which the Land yeelds, they bee the Fruits.
Mulberrie, great store, and Peares which have in them a Peares not
red liquor, as the Pomgranat hath, or somewhat redder, ^'^rtfiill.
but verie wholsome : if you eate an hundred at one time,
you shall never surfet of them, if you eate some propor-
tion of them they will bind, but if you exceed in eating of
them, then are they of the contrarie operation : yet never
any that hurt themselves by them, eate they never so
many. It is certaine, that one man eate above a peck of
them in some ten houres, and was never the worse. We
have a kind of Berrie upon the Cedar Tree verie pleasant Cedar
to eate ; and for the Palmito Tree, the top of it is a great ^"''''^'•
deale sweeter and wholsomer then any Cabedge.
In some of our Hands there growes Pepper, but not so Pepper.
good as our Indian Pepper : divers sorts of other good
things there is, which the severall times of the yeere bring
forth one after another : but the top of the Palmito Tree
is in season and good all the yeere. Take a Hatchet and
cut him or an Augar and bore him, and it yeelds a very
pleasant liquor, much like unto your sweet Wines ; it Palme-liquor.
beares likewise a Berrie in bignesse of a Prune, and in
taste much like.
17s
A.D.
l6l2.
Atnbergjreece
and Peark.
Tobacco.
[IV. ix.
I795-]
Silk-spider.
TimberTrees.
*I have
omitted the
rest of this
discourse, as
being better
knowne to
later Writers.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Also wee have Olives grow with us, but no great store :
many other good excellent things wee have grow with us,
which this short time will not permit mee to write of so
largely as I might; but this is of truth, that Hogs,
Turkles, Fish, and Fowle doe abound as dust of the
earth: for Amber-greece and Pearle wee have not had
leasure, in so few daies since our arrival! to goe looke
out for the one, or to fish for the other ; but the three
men which were left there, have found of them both.
Also they have made a great deale of Tobacco, and if
some would come that have skill in making it, it would
be verie commodious, both to the Merchant, and to
the maker of it. And for the Silk-worme, if any were
brought over, and some of skill to use them, there
would bee very much good done with them, for the
verie Spider in these our Hands doth weave perfect
fine Silke, both Yellow and White.
The Timber of the Countrey consisteth of three sorts,
the one is the Cedar, verie fine Timber to worke upon,
of colour red, and verie sweet : the other sorts we have
no name for, for there is none in the company hath
seene the like in other Countries before we came, &c.
A Copie of the Articles which Master R. More,
Governour Deputie of the Sommer Hands,
propounded to the Company that were there
with him to be subscribed unto, which both
he and they subscribed the second of August,
in his house. Anno 1612. which about the
same time he sent into England, to the Wor-
shipful! Company of the Adventurers.
WEe, who have here under subscribed our names,
being by the great goodnesse of God safely arrived
at the Sommer Hands, with purpose here to inhabite,
doe hereby promise and bind our selves, to the per-
formance of the several! Articles hereafter following, and
176
ARTICLES FOR BERMUDA ad.
1612.
that in the presence of the most glorious God, who
hath in mercy brought us hither.
First, We doe faithfully promise, and by these pre-
sents solemnly binde our selves ever-more to worship
that aforesaid only true and everliving God, who hath
made the Heavens, and the Earth, the Sea, and all that
therein is, and that according to those rules that are
prescribed in his most holy Word, and ever to continue
in that faith into the which wee were baptised in the
Church of England, and to stand in defence of the
same against all Atheists, Papists, Anabaptists, Brownists,
and all other Heretikes and Sectaries whatsoever, dissent-
ing from the said Word and Faith.
Secondly, because the keeping of the Sabboth day
holy is, that wherein a principall part of Gods worship
doth consist, and is as it were the Key of all the other
parts thereof, wee do therefore in the presence aforesaid
promise. That wee will set apart all our owne labours
and Imployments on that day, unlesse it be those that
be of meere necessitie, much more vaine and unfruit-
full practises, and apply our selves to the hearing of
Gods Word, Prayer, and all other exercises of Religion
in his Word required, to the uttermost of our power.
Thirdly, Seeing the true worship of God and holy
life cannot be severed, we doe therefore promise in the
presence aforesaid. That to the uttermost of our power
we will live together in doing that which is just, both
towards God and Man, and in particular we will for-
beare to take the most holy name of God in vaine, in
ordinary swearing by it, or any other thing, or by
scoffing, or vaine abusing of his most holy Word, or
to use cursing, or filthy speeches, or any other thing
forbidden in Gods most holy Word, as also to live
together without stealing one from another, or quarrel-
ling one with another, or slandering one of another :
And to avoide all things that stand not with the good
estate of a Christian Church and well governed Common-
wealth, as also to embrace the contrary as Justice, and
XIX 177 M
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1012.
Peace, Love, and all other things that stand with the
good and comfort of Societie.
Fourthly, Whereas we are here together farre remote
from our native soile of England, and yet are indeed
the naturall Subjects of our most Royall and gracious
King James of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland,
King, Defender of the Faith, &c. Wee doe therefore
in the presence aforesaid, solemnly promise evermore to
continue the loyall Subjects of our said Soveraigne King,
his Heires and Successors, and never to revolt from him,
or them, unto any other whatsoever, but evermore to
acknowledge his Supreme Government.
Fifthly, Whereas wee were sent hither by divers
Adventurers of the Citie of London, and other parts
of the Realme of England, wee doe here in the presence
aforesaid promise to use all diligence for the good' of
the Plantation, and not to purloyne or imbesell any of
the prohibited commodities out of the generall estate,
but to use all faithfulnesse, as it becommeth Christians
to doe, as also to bee obedient to all such Governour
or Governours, or their Deputie or Deputies, as are,
or shaiU be by them sent to governe us; As also to
yeeld all reverence towardes the Ministery or Ministers
of the Gospel, sent, or to be sent,
Sixtly and lastly. Wee doe here in presence afore-
said promise, the Lord assisting us, that if at any time
hereafter any forrain power shall attempt to put us out
of this our lawful possession, not cowardly to yeeld up
the same, but manfully to fight as true Englishmen,
for the defence of the Common-wealth we live in, and
Gospel wee professe, and that whiles we have breath
wee will not yeeld to any, that shall invade us upon
any conditions whatsoever.
I had thought hitherto to have added a Letter of
M. Hughes, written from thence, Dec: 21. 1614. and
printed. But our latter intelligence, being more ample,
hath caused mee to omit him and others ; Yea all things
in spme, and some things in all. M. Norwood hath
178
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA ad.
1610.
beene a diligent Surveyor of the place and accidents, [IV. ix.
and hath given a Map of the one (common to be sold) '796-]
and a briefe relation of the other. But because his
History of the Creatures is briefe, I have borrowed
out of Captaine Smith, what he had borrowed of
Capt. Butler, and others to give the Reader more full
satisfaction in that kind.
Chap. XVII.
Relations of Summer Hands, taken out of M.
Richard Norw^ood, his Map and Notes added
thereto, printed 1622. The History of the
Creatures growing or living therein, being
inlarged out of Capt. Smiths written Relations.
Ir Thomas Gates, and Sir George Sum-
mers, having staied in Bermuda nine
moneths, with helpe of such things as
they saved with the Sea-venture, and of
such as they found in the Countrey, had
built of Cedar, and rigged fit for the
Sea, two Vessels, a Ship and a Pinnace,
and upon the tenth of May, 16 10. departed toward
Virginia, leaving onely two men behind them, and
carrying them store of provision for the reliefe of the
people there. Upon the foure and twentieth of May,
they arrived safely there, and shortly after some of
them returned to the Sommer Hands againe for a
further supply, in the same Ship which they had
formerly built there; where Sir George Sommers dying,
his men did not according to his last charge given
unto them, returne to Virginia ; but framed their course
for England, leaving behind them three men, that
staied voluntarily, who shortly after found in Sommer-
set Hand, which is a part of Sandys Tribe, a verie
great treasure in Ambergreece, to the valew of nine or Ambergreece.
ten thousand pound sterling: there hath also been found
since divers times of the best sort.
179
A°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
lOIO.
This new discovery of the Sommer Hands, being thus
made knowne in England, to the Virginian Company,
by these men which returned, they sold it to some
hundred and twentie persons of the same Company,
who obtained a Charter from his Majestic, and so hold
it. And toward the latter end of Aprill, 1612. sent
thither a Ship, called the Plough, with some sixtie
persons to inhabite, appointing Governour one Master
Richard Moore, a man ingenuous and carefuU, who since
dyed in Sir Walter Rawlyes last voyage to Guiana, (a
place as appeareth by our Moderne Geographers, very
rich and spatious.) But, as I say, he arrived there about
the beginning of July, and found the foresaid three
men that staied voluntarily, very well. Master Moore
spent the three yeeres of his government, for the most
part in fortifying the Countrey, and trayning the people
in Martiall exercises, which custome hath beene continued
Rat-plague, by his successours : hee built some nine or tenne Forts,
How vdne a placing Ordnance and Munition in them. In his time,
^w^sebestwlts ^^ Lord sent upon the Countrey, a very grievous
and industry scourge and punishment, threatning the utter ruine and
are triumphed desolation of it : That it came from God I need not
over by silly strive to prove, especially considering it was generally
Rats. Great ^^ acknowledged by us at that time: The causes and
grace to feare occasions of it, I need not name, being very well knowne
thee, that we to US all that then lived there, which were about sixe
may feare hundred persons, thought shortly after much diminished.
""/^'"ff/'' I will onely shew the thing it selfe, which was a wonder-
feare with ^"^^ annoyance, by silly Rats : These Rats comming at
Pharao,Frogs, the first out of a Ship, few in number, increased in
Lice, Flies, the space of two yeeres, or lesse, so exceedingly, that
Grashopfer; ^ iiSitA. not onely those places where they were first
or lutth others, iji-n^- • c 1 ^ 1 11
Fleas Spar- ^^"ded : iiut swimmmg from place to place, spread them-
rowe's, (jfc. Selves into all parts of the Countrey. Insomuch, that
Tea a few there was no Hand, though severed by the Sea from
^f^^ndespite ^ ^^^^ Lands, and many miles distant from the lies
Trap's'^poim], where the Rats had their original!, but was pestered
shall starve us. with them. They had their Nests almost in every Tree,
180
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA ad.
l6l2.
and in all places their Burrowes in the ground (like
Conies) to harbour in. They spared not the fruits of
Plants and Trees, neither the Plants themselves, but
eate them up. When wee had set our Come, they
would commonly come by troupes the night following,
or so soone as it began to grow, and digge it up
againe. If by diligent watching any of it were pre-
served till it came to earing, it should then very hardly
scape them. Yea, it was a difficult matter after wee
had it in our houses, to save it from them, for they
became noysome even to the persons of men. Wee
used all diligence for the destroying of them, nourish-
ing many Cats, wilde and tame, for that purpose, wee
used Rats-bane, and many times set fire on the Woods,
so as the fire might run halfe a mile or more before it
were extinct : Every man in the Countrey was enjoyned
to set twelve Traps, and some of their owne accord set
neere a hundred, which they visited twice or thrice in
a night. Wee trayned up our Dogs to hunt them,
wherein they grew so expert, that a good Dog in two
or three houres space, would kill fortie or fiftie Rats,
and other meanes we used to destroy them, but could
not prevaile, finding them still to increase against us.
And this was the principall cause of that great dis-
tresse, whereunto wee were driven in the first planting
of the Countrey, for these, devouring the fruits of the
earth, kept us destitute of bread a yeere or two, so that, [IV. ix.
when wee had it afterwards againe, wee were so weaned '797]
from it, that wee should easily neglect and forget to eate
it with our meat. We were also destitute at that time
of Boats, and other provision for fishing. And moreover,
Master Moore had received warning from England, that
hee should expect the Spaniard that yeere, yet they came
not, but with two ships, attempting to come in, and
having their Boat before them to sound the way, were
shot at by the said Master Moore from Kings Castle, and
as we supposed one of them stricken through, whereupon
they presently departed. But (as I say) this expectation
i8i
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
I0I2.
of them caused us (though in great necessitie) to hasten
the fortifications of the Countrey. All these joyntly (but
principally the Rats) were the causes of our distresse : for
being destitute of food, many dyed, and wee all became
very feeble and weake, whereof some being so, would
not; others could not stir abroad to seeke reliefe, but
dyed In their houses : such as went abroad were subject,
through weaknesse, to bee suddenly surprized with a
TheFeage. disease we called the Feages, which was neither paine
nor sicknesse, but as it were the highest degree of
weaknesse, depriving us of power and abilitie for the
execution of any bodily exercise, whether it were working,
walking, or what else. Being thus taken, if there were
any in company that could minister any reliefe, they
would straightwayes recover, otherwise they dyed there:
Yet many after a little rest would be able to walke again,
and then if they found any succour were saved.
About this time, or immediately before, came thither
a company of Ravens, which continued with us all the
time of this mortalitie, and then departed. There were
not before that time, nor since (so far as I heare) any
more of them scene there. And this, with some other
reasons of more moment, moved many to thinke that
there was some other Hands neere the Sommer Hands,
betweene Virginia, and it ; and M. Moore (in his time,
with some other of us) went forth in a Boat so far as
then wee could conveniently, of purpose to discover it :
Since then, it hath beene endeavoured by other, and is yet
(as I heare) to be further attempted. And howsoever
I am perswaded (for certaine causes which I cannot here
relate) there is no such thing; Yet would I not dis-
animate any from this enterprise, for if they find any,
their labours will be well recompenced; and though
they find none, yet might they discover those parts so
well, that the passage to and from Virginia would be
more safe and easie.
But to returne from whence wee have digressed:
The extremitie of our distresse began to abate a little
182
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA ad.
1612.
before M. Moores time of government was expired,
partly by supplies out of England, of victuall and pro-
vision for fishing, and partly by that rest and libertie
we then obtained, the Countrey being fortified. Yet
the Rats encreased and continued almost to the end
of Captaine Tuckers time, although hee was provident
aud industrious to destroy them, but toward the end
of his time it pleased God (by what meanes it is not
wel known) to take them away, insomuch that the wilde
Cats and many Dogs which lived on them were famished,
and many of them leaving the Woods, came downe to
the houses, and to such places where they use to garbish
their Fish, and became tame. Some have attributed this
destruction of them to the encrease of wild Cats, but
that's not likely they should be so suddenly encreased
rather at that time, then in the foure yeeres before. And
the chiefe occasion of this supposition was, because they
saw such companies of them leave the Woods, and shew
themselves for want of food. Others have supposed it
to come to passe by the coolnesse of the weather, which
notwithstanding is never so great there, as with us in
March, not scarce as it is in April, except it be in the
wind; besides the Rats wanted not feathers of young
Birds and Chickens which they daily killed, and of
Palmeto Mosse (as wee call it) to build themselves warme
nests out of the wind, as usually they did. Neither doth
it appeare that the cold was so mortall to them, seeing
they would ordinarily swim from place to place, and
be very fat even in the midst of Winter, It remaineth
then, that as we know God doth sometimes effect his
will without subordinate and secondary causes, and
sometimes against them : So wee need not doubt, but that
in the speedy encrease and spreading of these Vermine ;
as also, in the preservation of so many of us by such
weake meanes as we then enjoyed, and especially in the
sudden removall of this great annoyance, there was joyned
with, and besides, the ordinary and manifest meanes, a
more immediate and secret worke of God.
'83
A,t>.
1616.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Now to proceed. M. Moores time of government
Cap.Tucker. being expired, Capt. Tucker succeeded, arriving there
about mid-May, 161 6. who likewise governed (according
to the custome) three yeeres ; which time hee spent, for
the most part, in husbandring the Countrey, planting and
nourishing all such things as were found fit either for
trade, or for the sustentation and use of the Inhabitants,
wherein hee travelled with much diligence and good
successe, sending to some parts of the Indies for Plants
and Fruits : hee also added to the Fortifications, and
made some Inclosures. In his time, viz. in the yeere
1 617. was sent a Ship and provision, with men of skill.
Whales. for the killing of Whales ; but they arrived there too
late to wit, about the midst of April, so that before they
could make ready their Shallops, and fit themselves, the
principall season for Whale-fishing was past: For the
Whale come thither in January, and depart againe toward
the latter end of May : Yet they strook some, but found
them so lively, swift, & fierce after they were stricken,
that they could take none. They yeeld great store of
Oyle, as appeared by one that drave to shoare on
Sommerset Iland, in Sandys Tribe : and by another that
we found not far from thence dead upon a Rocke.
[IV. ix. I also received by Captaine Tucker, directions from the
'79^-] Adventurers to divide the Countrey, and to assigne to
Shares. each Adventurer his shares or portion of Land: and
withall, a description, with notes touching the manner
how they would have it done, as they had formerly
determined by Lot. Which thing I did with all faithful-
nesse and diligence, the manner of it doth above appeare,
and is more largely manifested in a Booke of the Survey
of the Country, exhibited to the Right Honorable his
Majesties Counsell, and the Court of Adventurers for
these parts. And then began this, which was before as
it were an unsetled and confused Chaos (I meane as
touching a Plantation, for considered onely as a Regiment
it was otherwise) to receive a convenient disposition,
forme, and order, and to become indeed a Plantation ;
184
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA ad.
1619.
for though the Countrey was small, yet they could not
have beene conveniently disposed and well settled,
without a true description and survey made of it ; and
againe every man being settled where hee might con-
stantly abide, they knew their businesse, and fitted
their houshold accordingly. They built for themselves
and their Families, not Tents or Cabins, but more
substantial! houses: they cleered their grounds, and
planted not onely such things as would yeeld them
their fruits in a yeere, or halfe a yeere: but all such
too, as would afFoord them profit after certaine yeeres,
&c. So that in short time after, even before expiration
of Captaine Tuckers government, the Country began to
aspire and neerely to approch unto that happinesse and
prosperity wherein now it flourisheth. For may it not
justly be accounted happinesse and prosperitie, for men
to live where they enjoy the meanes of true Religion
and Salvation, to wit, the sincere Ministerie of the
Word and Sacraments ? where the government is good
without rigour and oppression, the place healthfull and
temperate? where they are freed from all extreme care
and toyle? where they have food in abundance, and
very good, with other things needfull to the body ? and
where they have Commodities meete for Trade, by
which they better advance their estates? all which and
more is largely verified in the present estate of that
Colon ie, whatsoever some maliciously minded, or to
evill ends suborned, may say to the contrary, so that
there may seeme to bee a restauration of that Golden
Age so much spoken of.
The Governour now there resident, is one Captaine
Butler, for Captaine Tucker departing thence in Decem-
ber 161 8. left in his place Captaine Kendall (who also
was one that supplied the same place in the interim,
betweene Master Moores time and Captaine Tuckers,
and hath spent some nine or ten yeeres in the Countrey.
But in the yeere 1619. about Midsummer, the Ad-
venturers sent thither as Governour for three yeeres
185
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
iDig.
(according to the custome) the said Captaine Butler,
and foure ships, with some five hundred persons, there
beeing at that time in the Countrey onely five hundred
more: fiar by the space of fiaure yeeres, to wit, during
the latter part of Master Moores government, and all
the time of Captaine Tuckers, they had sent few thither,
being almost hopelesse of the place, by reason of the
Rats : But since there have beene sent many companies
more then have come to my knowledge. Insomuch
that I understand the Countrey is now almost fully
planted and inhabited.
Thus have I briefly related (so farre forth as hath
come to my knowledge and remembrance) every thing
of most note and importance that hath befallen in the
first Discoverie and planting of these Hands, till this
present. I have laboured to contract my selfe, yet have
exceeded my en tended limits. Now I must speake
something of the Countrey it selfe : Which consisteth
of a company of small Ilands, situate and formed as
above appeareth. It lyeth in the Westerne Ocean, in
that part of the World lately discovered, and called
America, or the New World, vulgarly, the West Indies :
It hath Latitude, or Elevation (as is abovesaid) 32.
degrees 25. minutes, which is almost the same with the
Maderaes, or rather more Southward.
The Countrey is round about environed with Rockes ;
which to the Northward, Westward, and Southward,
extend farther then hath beene yet discovered : By reason
of these Rockes the Countrey is very strong : For there
is onely two places (and scarce two, except to such as
know them well) where shipping may safely come in :
and those places are very well fortified : but within is
roome to entertaine a Royall Fleet. The Rockes in
most places appeare at a low water: neither are they
much covered at a high water ; For it ebbes and flowes
there, not above five foot. The shoare it selfe (for the
most part) is a Rocke : so hardned by the Sunne, Wind,
and Sea, that it is not apt to be worne by the Waves ;
186
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA a.d.
1619.
whose violence is also broken by the Rocks, before they
come at the shoare. The Mould is of divers colours;
neither Clay, nor Sand, but a meane betweene. The
Red, which resetnbleth Clay is worst ; the whitish,
resembling Sand, and the blackish, Clay, is good : the
Browne, betweene them both (which they call white,
because there is mingled with it, as it were a white
Marie) is best. Under the Mould two or three foote
deepe, and sometimes lesse, is a kind of white, hard
substance, which they call the Rocke : the Trees usually
fasten their Roots in it: and draw their nourishment
from it: Neither is it indeed Rocke or Stone, nor so
hard, though for the most part harder then Chalke ;
not so white, but Pumice-like and Spongie, easily
receiving and contayning much water : I have seene, in
some places. Clay found under it. It seemes to be
engendred of the Raine water, drayning through the
earth, and drawing with it of his substance, unto a
certaine depth where it congeales. The hardest kind
of it (which is commonly under the red ground) is
not so Spongie, nor retaynes much water ; but lyeth [IV. ix.
in the ground in Quarries, as it were thicke Slates one '7990
upon another : and there is some chinkes or crevises
betwixt one lare and another, through which the water
hath passage : so that in such places there is scarce found
any fresh water. For all, or the most part of their fresh
water (whereof they have good store) commeth out of the
Sea ; drayning through the Sand, or through the foresaid
substance, which they call the Rocke, and leaving his Salt
behind it becomes fresh : Sometimes we digged Welles of Weh.
fresh water, within foure or five paces of the Sea-side ;
sometimes further off. The most part of them would
ebbe and flow, as the Sea did, and be levell or little higher
then the Superficies of the Sea.
The Aire is most commonly cleere, very temperate. The Aire.
moist, with a moderate heate, very healthfull, and apt
for the Generation and nourishing of all things ; so that
there is scarce any thing transported from hence thither,
187
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
but it yeelds a farre greater encrease ; and if it be any
living thing, becomes fatter and better liking, then here.
By this meanes the Countrey was so replenished with
Hennes and Turkeyes, within the space of three or foure
yeeres, that beeing neglected, many of them forsooke the
Houses, and became wilde, and so lived in great abund-
ance. The like encrease there is of Hogges and other
Cattle, according to their kinds. There seemes to be
a continuall Spring, which is the cause that some few
things come not to that maturitie and perfection, as were
requisite. And though the Trees doe shed their leaves,
yet are they alwayes full of greene.
Their Corne is the same which they use almost in all
parts of the West Indies, to wit, Maiz : which, to such as
are used to it, is more heartie and nourishing then our
English Wheate, and yeelds a farre greater increase, as a
pound, sometimes, of one or two graines. Of this Corne,
and divers other things, without either plowing or digging
the ground, they have two Harvests every yeere : for they
set about March, which they gather in July ; and againe
in August, which is ripe in December : And little slips of
Figge trees, and Vines, doe usually beare fruit within lesse
then a yeere after they are planted, sometimes in halfe a
yeere. The like fertilitie it hath in other things.
Temperature There is scarce at any time to be perceived either Frost
"■f'^' or Snow, nor any extreme heate; for there is almost
alwayes some wind stirring, which cleereth and cooleth
the Aire. Their Summers and Winters observe the same
times with ours, but their longest dayes and nights are
shorter then ours in England, by two houres and almost a
halfe : as also their shortest dayes and nights are as much
longer then ours : for their longest dayes and nights are
about fourteene houres, and their shortest ten. When it
is Noone with us, it is Morning with them ; and when it
is about five of the clocke in the Evening with us, it is
high-noone with them : so that whilest the Sun declines
with us, it riseth with them, as also it doth in Virginia.
It is apt to Thunder and Lightning all the yeere, oft-
188
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA ad.
1619.
times more terrible then in England ; but no man, or
other living creature have I knowne hurt by it. There
is no venemous creature in the Countrey : the yellow
Spider which is there, making her Webbe as it were Spiders.
or Silke, and bringing forth her young (as the Alchimists
their stone) of Egges like little Balles of Quick-silver, is
not perceived to bee any whit venemous. Yet there is a
Plant (that climbeth Trees like Ivie, the leafe also of the
same colour, but in shape like the Vine) that is somewhat
venemous, but of no great force.
There is great store and varietie of Fish, and so good
as these part of the World affoords not the like ; which
being for the most part unknowne to us, each man gave
them names as they best liked : as one kind they called
Rocke-fish, another Groopers, others Porgie-fish, Hog-
fish, Angle-fish, Cavallies, Yellow-tayles, Spanish Makerell,
Mullets, Breame, Connie-fish, Morrayes, Sting-rayes,
Flying-fish, &c. The like they did by the Fowle, as
Cohooes, Sand-birds, Herons, Ducke and Teale, Pem-
blicoes, Castle-boobies, Hawkes, &c.
The Countrey when we first beganne the Plantation,
was all over-growne with Woods and Plants of severall
kinds : and to such kinds as were unknowne to us (which
were the most part) we also gave names ; such as were
knowne retayning their olde names : as Cedars, Palmetoes,
Black-wood, White-wood, Yellow-wood, Mulberie-trees,
Stopper-trees, Lawrell and Olive-trees, Mangrowes,
Pepper-trees, Yellow-bery-weed, Red-weed : These, and
many others, wee found naturally growing in the Coun-
trey. But since it hath beene inhabited, there hath beene
brought thither, as well from the Indies as from other
parts of the World, sundry other Plants, as Vines of
severall kinds. Sugar-canes, Figge-trees, Apple-trees,
Oranges, Lemmons, Pomegranets, Plantanes, Pines, Par-
snips, Raddishes, Artichokes, Potatoes, Cassavi, Indico,
and many other : Insomuch that it is now become as it
were some spacious Garden or Nourcerie of many pleasant
and profitable things.
189
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
Now if I should proceed to a more speciall Narration,
and speake of all these Plants, Birds, Fishes, and other
remarkable things particularly : I could not but bee much
larger then were any wayes expedient in this place.
Besides, I have long since understood, that Captaine
Butler (the Governour there resident) hath undertaken
to write of these and the like things, a peculiar Treatise.
This therefore that is spoken touching the nature of the
Countrey in generall, shall suffice. Onely to make choice
of two particulars, whereof I will speake, not so largely as
the things require ; but so farre forth as will be meet and
convenient in this place.
[^^- "'• The first shall bee the Tortoyse, which they call a
°o-J Xurtle : which having some affinitie and resemblance with
Fishes, Beasts, and Fowles, shall serve instead of a His-
torie of them all. The other shall be that which they call
the prickled Peare-tree : which participating in nature, and
resembling in some things, herbs and in other Trees;
shall likewise serve in stead of the Naturall Historie of
them both.
And first of the Turckle, not regarding (for brevities
sake) the large Discourses of others ; I will onely write
what I have scene and knowne my selfe. They are in the
shape of their bodie like a Crab-fish ; and have foure
finnes : they are as great as three or foure men can carrie :
the upper part of them is covered with a great shell,
which wee call a Galley-patch, weighing (as I take it)
halfe a hundred weight : the flesh that cleaveth to the
in-side of this being rosted against the fire, is excellent
meate : almost like the Marrow of Beefe : but the shell it
selfe harder then Home : shee hath also a shell on her
belly, not so hard, but being boyled it becommeth soft, like
the sinewes or gristle of Beefe ; and good meate. These
live in the Sea, spending the Spring time, and part of the
Summer about these Hands : but the residue of the yeere,
we know not where. They are like to Fowle in respect
of the smallnesse and fashion of their heads and neckes :
which are wrinkled like a Turkeyes, but white, and not so
190
RELATIONS OF BERMUDA a.d.
1619.
sharpe billed. They also breed their young of Egges
which they lay. They resemble Beasts, in that their flesh
is like Veale, but more hard and solid ; and they feed
alwayes upon grasse growing at the bottome of the water ;
neither can they abide any longer under water, then they
hold their breath ; which the old ones will doe long : but
the young ones being chased to and fro, cannot continue
two minutes with out comming up to breathe. Shordy
after their comming in, the Male and Female couple,
which wee call cooting; this they continue some three
dayes together, during which time, they will scarce sepa-
rate though a Boat come to them, nor hardly when they
are smitten. Not long after, the Shee-Turckle comes up
by night upon some Sandie Bay ; and further up then the
water useth to flow, shee digges a hole with her finne in
the Sand, some two foote deepe ; and there comming up
severall nights, layes her Egges, some halfe a bushell
(which are about the bignesse of a Hennes Egge, and
round as a Ball) and each time covers them with Sand
very curiously ; so that a man shall hardly finde the
place. These Egges (as it seemes) are afterwards hatched
by heate of the Sunne, and then by the Providence of
God (the meanes are yet unknowne to us) are brought
out of the earth, for wee could never perceive that shee
returnes any more to them, and yet in likelihood they
remaine not long in the Earth after they are hatched,
because (as I have before said) they cannot live without
breathing. We sometimes see of the young ones no
bigger then a mans hand, which some fish will devoure.
They grow slowly, and seeme to have a very long life,
they will sleepe on the top of the water, and were wont to
sleepe often on the Land, till the Countrie was peopled ;
they will also live out of the water some three weekes,
and that without meate, but mourne and pine away ; they
are very wittie. Being on the Land turned upon their
backes, they can no more without some helpe or advan-
tage recover themselves; by which meanes when they
come on shoare to lay their Egges, they are easily taken,
J9J
*;°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1619.
as also they are when they are cooting. But otherwise
wee take them for the most part by night, making a great
light in a Boate, to which they will sometimes swimme,
and seldome shunne : so that a man standing readie with a
staiFe in his hand, which hath at one end a socket, wherein
is an Iron lesse than a mans finger, foure-square and sharpe,
with a line fastned to it, hee striking this Iron into the
upper shell of the Turckle, it stickes so fast, that after
shee hath a little tired her selfe by swimming too and fro,
shee is taken by it. They will live, the head being cut
off, foure and twentie houres ; so that if you cut the flesh
with a Knife, or touch it, it will tremble and shrinke
away. There is no meate will keepe longer either fresh
or salt.
But leaving these, we will now come to speake of the
Prickled Peares, which are a fruit growing in these
Hands, in such places as are scarce fit for any thing else,
namely, upon Rockes and ClifFes, and commonly by the
Sea side, as if the salt-water did somewhat helpe to the
generation and nourishing of them. The tree seemes to
grow certaine yeeres before it beares fruit, and then to
continue bearing, very many yeeres, having almost all the
yeere long fruit upon it. And although we call this
a Tree, yet hath it scarce any bodie or branches, but
consisteth in a manner wholly of leaves and fruit, soft and
brittle.
But we will give you a larger Historie of the Creatures
from Captaine Smith, in the next Chapter.
J92
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA ad.
1612.
Chap. XVIII. [IV. ix.
^ 1801.]
Extracts out of Captaine John Smiths Historic
of Bermudas, or Summer Hands ; touching
the English Acts and Occurrents there from
the beginning of the Plantation.
Ome one hundred and twentie of the
Virginian Company bought that Title
which the Company might seeme to
have to Bermuda, and obtayned Letters
Patents of his Majestie. Sir Thomas
Smith was elected Treasurer, and
Master Richard Moore sent thither
with the first Colonic, which found the three men well.
Carter, Chard, and Waters, which had found store of
Ambergrice, which was the occasion of great stirres Inveniuntur
betwixt Moore and Kendall, (who was imprisoned) "P" '''''
Chard (who was condemned and on the Ladder to be "^'"/"'^^
hanged, but reprived, and all Moores time detayned
prisoner) and Captaine Davies, who had almost kindled
a mutinie till better thoughts did better him. Sic vos
non vobis, was the conclusion of that Treasure to the
finders, howsoever Davies and Kendall are said to have
licked their fingers well. For the naturall Historie
thereof I have added thus much out of him to that
which before hath beene delivered by others.
The most troublesome to these Hands are the Winds
and Wormes, specially in the Spring and Autumne,
rather tp awaken Industrie then to cause despaire.
The Musketas or Flies are very busie, with a cer-
taine Indian bugge called by the Spaniards, a Cacaroatch, F/ies.
which creeping into Chists by their ill sented dung
defile all, besides their eating. Litde Ants are in
Summer so troublesome that they are forced to dry Jnii.
their figs on high frames, annointing the feet with
Tarre which stay their passage that else would spoile
all. Wormes in the earth are noisome to their Corne iVormes.
XIX 193 N
t° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1012.
and Tobacco, causing them great labour every morning
to destroy them ; which else would destroy all. Large
Lizards. Lizards have been there, now destroyed by the Cats.
Spiders, Spiders are large but beautifully coloured, as if they
were adorned with Silver, Gold, and Pearle : their
Webs in Summer woven from Tree to Tree, a perfect
raw Silke in substance and colour, so strong that Birds
like Snites bigger then Black-birds, are snared in their
Nets.
Foaiks. There are grey and white Hearne, grey and greene
Plover, wild Ducks, and Mallards, Coots, Red-shankes,
Sea-wigeons, grey Bitternes, Cormorants, numbers of
small Birds, like Sparrowes and Robbins, which have
lately beene destroyed by the Wild Cats, very many
Wood-peckers, Crowes, which since the Plantation are
killed, and seldome scene except in places least inhabited,
where they are observed to take their flight about
Sun-set, directing their course toward the North-west,
which causeth the conjecture of other Hands. (Yea,
the Spaniards say this is not true Bermuda, &c.)
sometimes also are seene Falcons, Jarfalcons, Osprayes, a
Bird like a Hobby, holden but a passenger.
The Cohow is so termed of his voice ; a night Bird
all day hid in the Rockes. The Egge-bird on the
first day of May constantly observed to come, they
begin to lay Egs as big almost as Hens Egges ; so
continuing till Mid-summer, so tame you must thrust
them off: then permitted to breed (growing weake)
and their young are excellent meate. The Egges of
those are white ; of the Cohowes speckled, as bigge as
Hennes : strict inhibition was made for their sparing
beeing almost destroyed.
The Tropiks Bird hath his name of the places
where he is most seene. Another Bird of her Cry is
called Pemblico, seldome seene by day, an unwelcome
Prophet of Tempests by her clamorous crying. Owles
are now gone. Pigeons prosper not. Tame Duckes and
Geese are there.
194
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA a.d.
1612.
Now for Plants there growing, the most remarkeable
are, the Poyson-weed, which is much in our English
Ivie, with the touch thereof causing rednesse, itching and
blisters, all which after a while passe away of themselves
without further hurt.
The Red-reed is a tall Plant, whose stalke is
covered with a red rind ; the Roote steeped, or a
small quantitie of the juyce drunlce alone procureth a
forceable Vomit, generally used and effectual against dis-
tempers of the stomacke.
A kind of Wood-bind is common neere the Sea
running on Trees like a Vine, the fruit somewhat
like a Beane but flatter, which eaten any way causeth
to purge vehemently, yet without further harme.
Another small Tree causeth costivenesse. There is
also a Plant like a Bramble, bearing a long yellow
fruit with a hard shell, and within a hard Berrie which
stamped and taken inwardly, purgeth gently.
Red-Pepper is a fruit like our Barberies, which
beaten, or bruized with the Teeth, sets all the mouth
on a heat, for the time terrible ; but swallowed whole
have the same operation that blacke Pepper.
The Sea-feather is a Plant growing on the Rocks in
the bottome of the Sea in forme of a Vine-leafe, but
farre more spread with veines of a palish red, strangely
interlaced and weaved into each other : the vertue
unknowne.
There are besides fruits thither carried which thrive [IV. ix.
and multiply, White, Red, Yellow Potatoes, Sugar- i8oz.]
canes, Indicoes, Parsnips, exceeding large Radishes,
Cassavi (the American root for bread) the Indian
Pompeon, the water Melon, the Muske Melon, the
most delicate Pine-apple, Plantans, and Papawes ; the
English Artichoke, Pease, &c.
Master Moore applied himselfe to fortifying and to Moores Forts.
traine his men : hee laid the foundation of eight or
nine Forts, called the Kings Castle, Charles Fort,
Pembrokes Fort, Smiths Fort, Gates Fort, Warwickes
195
A.D.
l6l2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
MasterKeath.
Castle, Saint Katharines Fort, &c. mounting therein all
such Ordnance as he had. Being busied in these and
other necessaries, which held the men hard at worke,
Master Keath the Minister, a Scot, taxed him in the
Pulpit for grinding the faces of the poore, oppressing
his Christian brethern with Pharoos taxes ; for which
being convented, and by the generality contraried, he
fell on his knees and asked pardon, which was easily
with good admonition granted. Two other male-
contents were condemned to be hanged, one of which
for feare fell into a dead palsie, the other was freed,
and after proved a good labourer. He got two
peeces of Ordnance out of the Sea Venture (Sir George
Church built. Summers wracke) framed a Church of Timber, which
was blowne downe and reedified, and another built in
a closer place with Palmito leaves. Before the yeare
expired, an Adviso with thirtie passengers were sent,
to prepare for Spaniards ; which made them fall so
hard to worke, that many fell sicke. The Martha
followed with sixtie passengers, and in it Master
George Barklie, who tooke good notice of those Hands.
The Elizabeth was sent the second time with fortie
passengers. These carried the first Potatos, which
being all lost but two castaway rootes have yeelded
increase there to admiration, and are great reliefe to
the Inhabitants.
Spanish Ships. Two Spanish Ships were seene soone after this Ship
was gone, to sound with their Boate, attempting to
come in ; but from the Kings Castle Master Moore
made two shot, which caused them to depart, to the
joy of the Plantation, which then had but three
quarters of a barrell of Powder, and but one shot
more : the Powder also by carelesnesse tumbled under
the Mussels of the two Peeces which were discharged,
and yet not touched with fire. The like merciful!
providence appeared in certaine cartrages of Paper
filled with Powder ; a negligent fellow leaving his
Match burning upon one of them all the while they
iq6
Supplies sent
An. 1 613.
M. Barklie.
Increase of
Potatos.
Escapes from
dangers.
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA a.d.
1614.
were at Prayer, so that the cole touched the Paper
and fired it not.
A worse thing happened by a carvell of Meale,
which Daniel Elfred brought thither, so stored with
Rats, that had neere ruined all the Plantation. Two R<"'-
yeeres after came in the Blessing with one hundred
passengers, and the Starre with one hundred and eightie,
and soone after the Margaret, and two Frigats with
one hundred and sixtie. Master Barkley also came to ^- ^o^klies
divide the Countrie into Tribes, and the Tribes '^^"'"^ """'"S-
into shares ; but Moore seeing his share and the
Colonies to be none, gave him so cold entertainment,
that he returned as he came.
This bred Moore more dislike in England, and
his minding fortification so much, with neglect of 1614.
Corne bred a famin ; that attended with diseases Famine and
specially one called the Feagues, which without sense '" "'^'
of paine, swallowed up all their strength at once,
whereof without succour they died ; some by foode
and rest recovered. The Ravens continued this Ravens.
mortality and then departed. William Millinton was
drawne into the Sea by a Fish, and never seen
more. The Famine gave a supersedeas to the workes,
and Moore sent them to seeke reliefe. At Coupers
He with a contrary extremity of the abundance of Contrary
Cahows and Fish, many surfeited and died. Some ^■*"'^'"^-
killed the Cattell, and one stole away to the Woods
and there franked himselfe, feeding on land Crabbes
and Wilkes. For fishing, the Smith was faine to make
Hookes of Swords, and Lines of old Ropes, till a
Frigat being sent with advice into England, the Welcome
was sent with provision. Master Moore returned in
this Ship, and left the Government to a Councell of ^ ^ Coumell.
sixe, which should succeede each other monethly ;
viz. Captaine Miles Kendall, Captaine John Mansfield,
Thomas Knight, Charles Caldicot, Edward Waters, and
Christopher Carter, with twelve Assistants. Moore
arriving here, after much quarrell, obtained eight
197
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1614.
shares of Land. Hee died after in Sir Walter Raleighs
Guiana voyage. He was a man very pragmatical!,
and had before undertaken much in Foulenesse for
Rapes seede, &c. A man fitter for such a Plantation
as this in the beginning was, then some silken
Citizen, or stalking Gentleman, or talking Traveller,
or sowre Humorist, or grim Martialist might haply
have proved.
Caldicm lot. Caldicots Lot was first, whose moneth being ended,
with Knight and Waters in a small Frigot he went to
Virginia, Mansfield succeeded in the new triumvirate,
and a plot not to surrender the Government to such
as from England should be appointed, was disappointed :
Master Hughes was imprisoned, and soone set at
M.Keathand liberty, but Master Keath his Symmystes fell to strange
M. Hughes, disputes, and Hughes was againe convented, and by the
Jury acquitted. Mansfields moneth being passed
in braules, the two next were quiet ; yet those contest-
ings after revived. The Edwin arrived with good
supplies. Divers Boates were lost at Sea about this
time.
Strange But one memorable accident was this : In March,
accident. ^ season most tempestuous, on a faire Friday morning,
seven men went in a Boate of two or three tuns
to fish, some of them fasting, neither had they any
provision in the Boat with them but a few Palmeto
berries ; some foure leagues from shoare a tempest
tooke them, and carried them quite out of sight of
[IV. ix. land ; their strength being spent, the strength also of the
'803.] tempest abated on Sunday, and a calme followed. Too
weake for Oares they lay adrift that night : the next
Andrew morning Andrew Hillyard (the rest not able to helpe
Hiiliards themselves) spred the saile : On tuesday one died, on
adventures. Wednesday three, which were cast overboord ; on thurs-
day night the sixth, whom he was not able to turne over,
but stripped him, ripped his belly with his Knife, threw
his bowels into the Sea, spred his body abroad, tilted open
with a sticke, and so let it lye as a Cesterne to receive
198
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA a.d.
1616.
some luckie raine water, which God sent presently after,
so that in a small shower he recovered about foure
spoonefids of raine to his unspeakable refreshment. He
also preserved neere halfe a pint of blood in a shooe,
which hee did sparingly drinke to moisten his mouth.
Two dayes he fed on his flesh to the quantity of a
pound : the eleventh day after his losse of Land, two
flying Fishes fell into his Boate, whose warme jucie bloud
he sucked, to his great comfort, and within an houre
after, with greater comfort espied land, which within
foure houres he attained on a Rocke neere Port Royall,
where his Boate was split presently in peeces, and he
made shift to climbe so steepe a Rocke by night, as
would have troubled the strongest man in the He to
have done by day. He discerned in the morning where
he was, and without other refreshing then water (which
he tooke temperately, or might else have drunk his last)
he got in halfe a day to a friends house. He was living
Anno 1622.
Some treasure in Dollers, to the value of twentie M. Tucker.
pounds was found, the remainder of some Wrack. The
Company sent M. Daniel Tucker, to be Governour ;
hee set saile in the George, accompanied with the Edwin :
some preparation was made to resist, but he at last was
received and acknowledged in May, 161 6. Somewhat 161 6.
hee had to doe to bring them to their workes, which
yet he eflp^ected ; their day worke till nine in the morning,
and then staying till three in the afternoone, they began
againe continuing till sun-set. Besides meat, drinke, and
clothes, they had for a time a certaine kind of brasse
Money, with a Hog on the one side, in memory of
the Hogs there found at first landing. Hee by Master
Richard Norwoods helpe, laid out the eight Tribes in Triies laid
the Mayne, which were to consist of fiftie shares to a "*'•
Tribe, each share twentie five Acres. He began to plant
some of the Colony on speciall shares, and appointed
BailifFes to each Tribe. Hee held a generall Assise in -Assises.
his second moneth at Saint Georges, where for sedition
199
A.D.
1616.
The
Governours.
Admirable
voyage.
His course tuas
neerer shoare,
zoith all pro-
visions fitting.
Small Boat
from
Bermudas
commeth to
Ireland.
Sanders his
fortunes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
John Wood a Frenchman was hanged. He sent the
Edwin to Trade with the Natives of the West Indies
for Cattel, Corne, Plants, which had it been continued,
might happily have bin more beneficiall to the Plantation
then the Magazines from hence. She returned with
Figs, Pines, Sugar-canes, Plantans, Papawes, and divers
other plants, which were presently replanted, and since
have increased by the Governours commendable hus-
bandry. Severity, by the conceit thereof produced an
admirable fact : Five men which could by no meanes get
passage for England, resolved to adventure an escape,
viz. Richard Sander Mariner chiefe plotter, William
Goodwin a Ship Carpenter, Tho. Harison a Joyner,
James Baker Gentleman, and Henry Puet. These in-
sinuated to the Governour, that they would build him
a Boat of two or three Tuns with a close Deck, fit
to fish in all weathers. Hee glad to see them so obse-
quious, furnished them with necessaries whatsoever they
could desire. Shee was fitted and gone the evening
before hee sent for her, to see, as was reported, how
shee could saile. This was most true, and Botelias his
adventure from Goa in the East Indies to Lisbon was
not so admirable a triaU. Barker had borrowed a Com-
passe Diall of M. Hughes, leaving a Letter to him to
have patience for that losse, whereby their adventure
was intimated. The Governours threats were not in that
remotenesse so terrible as the two present swelling
Elements, whom yet they found more gentle then a
French Pickaroone, who in stead of succour, which they
desired, tooke from them what they liked, leaving them
not so much as a Crosse-stafFe to observe with, and
so cast them off. They continued their course till their
victuall began to faile, and the knees of their Boat were
halfe hewed away for fire wood. They at last arrived
in Ireland, where the Earle of Tomund entertained them,
and caused the Boat to be hanged up for a Monument,
having sayled 3300. miles thorow the Ocean by a right
line without sight of any Land. This fortunate Sanders.
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA ad.
1618.
in the rifling of a Ship taken in the East Indies, bought
a Chest for three or foure shillings, but would for want
of a Key have sold it againe for lesse. But one day
having little to doe, hee broke it open and found therein
1000. pounds sterling, or so much gold as bought him
in England a good estate, which leaving with his wife he
returned againe to the East Indies.
The Company sent Captaine Powell in the Hopewell, ^^P- Powell.
after he had landed his passengers in Summer lies, to
trade in the Indies, who by the way fell foule on a
Brasillman, and afterwards a Frenchman on him : but
hee got safe to the Hands and told what he had done.
The Governour kept his second Assize, and made a pro-
clamation against the killing of coheires. Powell is againe
sent to the West Indies from thence, with thirteene or
fourteene men. Hee made triall but in vaine, for the
Whale-fishing, for which and to which purpose the Com-
pany soone after sent the Neptune. In the beginning
of his second yeere he called the third azise, in which
one was hanged, two others condemned, but reprieved.
The Rat Tragedy was now terrible : some Fishes have
been taken with Rats in their bellies, catched as they
swam from He to He. One Henry Long, with sixe 1617.
others being on fishing, a sudden storm arose with ^"''' h ^"'^
terrible thunder, and the Boat was tossed over the Rocks, YiZ^ "^^ '^"
the fish tossed over-boord, and Long with two others
escaped (the rest drowned) one of the three being
demanded what he thought in the present perill, answered,
hee said nothing, but Gallowes claime thy right, which [IV. ix.
within halfe a yeere fell out accordingly. Powell 1804.]
returned with three Frigats, laden with Meale, Hides, and <^<j//w^^
Munition. The Master and Governour contending, both ^ 'v*-?^"/" ^•
were dispossessed by a stronger power. Waters, with
twelve men were sent to Virginia, and would no more
returne to Summers lies. 1618.
A. 1 61 8. arrived there the Diana, with men and pro- Magazines
vision, and the first Magazine (a course I heare not "able as
much applauded by the Planters here, or in Virginia, intended.
A.D.
r6i8.
Escapers not
escaping.
Two ships
sent.
Cap. Butler
Govemour.
1619.
Great stormes.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
the companies honest care) seeming by some others dis-
honestie frustrate. This Ship fraught with 30000. weight
of Tobacco, gave by the good sayle thereof encourage-
ment to the Adventurers. The Governour building a
house of Cedar in the best Land, appropriated it to
himselfe to the griefe of others there, of whom Master
Hughes could not by threats nor imprisonment be so
pacified, but that here to the Company hee approved his
cause. Two men and a Gentlewomen, thinking to make
their escape in a Boat to Virginia, were never heard
of after. Sixe others attempted the like, but were
apprehended, arraigned, condemned, and one of them
hanged. The Governours hard dealings so much com-
plained of, caused him in the Blessing to returne to excuse
himselfe, and to ^^t that house assured him, leaving
Captaine Kendall to supply his place. The Gilli-flower
and the Treasurer were sent. By the Sea-flower which
went to Virginia, a Preacher was sent to the Hands, and
newes of a new Governour. Captaine Kerby came in with
a small Barke from the West Indies. A Dutch Frigot
was cast away on the Westerne shoare, the people saved
by the English.
Captaine Butler, the new Governour arrived in the
Warwicke, the twentieth of October, 16 19. The
Redoubt, a platforme of the Kings Castle, at the same
time whiles the New Governour and old Planters were
feasting aboord, accidentally was consumed with fire.
The next month came in the Garland, which had come
from England sixe or seven weekes before him, and spent
seventeen weekes on the voyage, which proved so tedious,
that many both Saylers and Passengers died. In the end
of November, arose such a storme that many great Trees
were blown up by the roots, the Warwicke cast away,
the Garland forced to cut her Masts overboord. Not
long after happened another as fierce ; in which the
Mount, built by M. Moore for a Watch-tower, was
blowne up by the roots ; and their winter crop of
Corne blasted.
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA ad.
1620.
He began the new yeere with refortifying the Kings
Castle, and finding the Treasurer rotten, tooke nine Peeces
of Ordnance out of her. Hee sent the Garland for
England. Hee finished the Church begun by Captain
Kendall, with great toile got three Peeces out of the
wracked Warwick, imployed a Dutch Carpenter of the
former Dutch wrack to build Boates. A luckie fellow -^mbergreece.
in February, found a piece of Ambergreece of eight
Ounces, as hee had done twice afore, and according to
order of Court (to prevent concealements) had therfore
thirtie pound an Ounce. Two Dutch Frigots arrived,
conducted by Captaine Powell, and much refreshed the
Colony with Oyle and Bacon at cheape rates. The ^'^
Governour made a new platforme in place of the burned '"'■'""''■
Redoubt, and mounted seven great Peeces on Cariages
of Cedar. The Ministers not being conformable to the
Church of England, nor uniforme with themselves in Ministers
administration of the Sacrament, and Matrimony, hee sctupks.
translated the Liturgie Booke of Garnsie and Jarsie, void
of the pretended scruples which was generally embraced,
and in his time practised, and the Sabbaths observation
proclaimed. They rebuilded the Mount, and divers Boats
was indangered with a Hericano, one lost. Finding a S/> George
little Crosse erected where Sir George Summers his heart S""""^/-'
and entrailes were buried : he caused a Marble stone
brought out of England, to bee handsomely wrought,
and an Epitaph engraven, in memory of that worthy
Souldier, and laid thereon, invironed with a square wall
of hewed stone.
On the second of June, began their Assizes, in which
their Lawes and Government were reduced to the English
forme. The first of August, was a generall Assembly Their first
in manner of a Parliament, at Saint Georges, divers Parhament.
Articles concluded, and being sent hither, by the Company
confirmed, which for brevitie I omit. The Magazine
Ship soone after came in weake case thither, having cast
overboord twentie or thirtie of her people, and had they
staled at Sea a weeke longer, were likely to have all
203
A.D.
1 620.
Spanish
Wrack.
These made
false reports in
England, the
Spanish
Embassadour
also urging the
same, till the
contrarie was
manifested.
[IV. ix.
1805.]
Weavells cure.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
perished. That aire soon mends or ends men in that
case, and those which died not soone after the landing
recovered, not without infection of others there, 70000.
weight of Tobacco was prefixed for her freight. Com-
mandement came now to entertaine no Ships, but such
as were sent from the Company, to the Colonies great
griefe, which now were forced to a Magazine-Monopoly,
and debarred of occasionall reliefe. Cap. Powell soone
after came thither, imployed by the States, desiring
admittance for wood and water, which was denied with
exceeding murmuring and exclaiming of the Colony.
The Magazine Ship arrived, her Master dead, and many
passengers, the rest sicke.
Then happened also in September a Spanish Wrack,
which comming from Carthagena with the Spanish Fleet
lost their Ship on those Rockes, and seventie persons were
saved, some of which had beene rifled, but their money
to the value of one hundred and fortie pound restored
them by the Governours meanes : into whose hands they
committed it for disbursment of their charges. Some
were sent away, others forced to stay till their labours
had procured meanes for their passage. Hee made meanes
to get out of the Wrack two Sakers, and three Murtherers,
which were the same which Cap. Kendall had sold to
Cap. Kerby, who was taken by two men of War of
Carthagena, most of his men slaine or hanged, hee
wounded died in the Woods, as these Spaniards related.
Three Bulwarkes were raised at Southampton Fort, with
two Curtens and two Javelens. Armes were distributed
to all such as were able to use them.
The Weavells (which had at this time much hurt their
Corne) found a strange remedy. For a proclamation
being made that all Corne should be gathered by a day,
because many had lost some for want of gathering, still
haunting the Ships for Aqua-vitae and Beere ; some bad
husbands hastily gathered it, and threw it on heapes in
their houses unhusked, so letting it lye foure or five
moneths. Now the good husbands husked theirs, and
204
OCCURRENTS IN BERMUDA ad.
1621.
hanged it up with much labour, where the Flies did blow
it, which the others idlenesse, as the event shewed,
prevented, that being thus found to be the best way
to save the corne and labour, to let it lye in the
huske. Divers places of fresh-water were now also luckily
found out. Another triall of whale-fishing was vainely
attempted by a Ship which came from Virginia, who
returned thither fraught with Lime-stone, 20000. pound
weight of Potatos, &c.
Aprill and May were spent in building a Prison, and
perfecting some Fortifications, and foure Sakers were
gotten from the Spanish Wrack, and mounted at the
Forts. One was hanged for buggering a Sow, whose
Cock in the time of his imprisonment used also to tread
a Pig, as if it had beene a Hen, till the Pig languished
and died, and then the Cock haunted the same Sow.
About the same time two Chickens were hatched, one of
which had two heads, the other is said to have crowed
loud and lustily within twelve houres after it was out of
the shell. Other Peeces were got out of the Spanish
Wrack, and a Saker also out of that of Sir George
Summers.
By a Barke going to Virginia, Captaine Butler, his
time expiring, conveied himselfe thither, leaving the
government to C. Felgate C. Stokes, &c. In the Kings
Castle were mounted, on siifficient platformes, sixteen
Peeces of Ordnance. In Charles Fort two, in South- ^o"*' ^
ampton Fort five, betwixt which & the Castle passeth ^'^^^''"J^/"
the channel into the Harbor, secured by twenty three
Peeces of good Ordnance. In Coups He is Pembrookes
Fort, with two Peeces. Saint Georges channell is guarded
by Smiths Fort and Payets Fort, in which are eleven
Peeces. Saint Georges Towne is commanded by War-
wicks Fort, with three great Peeces, on the Wharfe before
the Governours house are eight more, besides the warning
Peece by the Mount, and three in Saint Katherines; in
all tenne Fortresses, and fiftie two Peeces of Ordnance
sufficient and serviceable. Hee left one thousand five
205
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1621.
hundred persons, and neere one hundred Boates, the He
replenished with provisions, fruites, poultry, &c.
M. Bernard Master John Bernard, was sent by the Honourable
^^^rnour. Company to supply his place, who arrived within eight
dayes of Captaine Butlers departure, with two Ships, and
one hundred and fortie Passengers, with Armes and all
sorts of Munition and other provisions. During his life
(which continued but sixe weekes) hee gave good proofe
of his sufficiency in reforming things defective. He and
his wife were both buried in one day, and one grave :
M. Harnsott ^nd Master John Harrison chosen Governour till mrther
Sz™' "^^^"^ ^^^^ fr°"^ London.
Worms The Wormes before mentioned are still troublesome,
noysome. and make them morning workes to kill them. Cater-
pillers are pernicious to their fruits, and Land Crabs are
as thicke in some places, as Conies in a Warren, and doe
much harme. A Ship in which had beene much swearing
and blaspheming used all the voyage, perished ; the
companies negligence jovially frolicking in their cups and
Tobacco (having landed certaine goods) by accident the
Powder fired, and blew up the great Cabbin ; some were
taken up in the Sea, living in miserable torments, eighteene
were lost with this fatall blast, the Ship also sunke, with
sixtie Barrells of Meale sent for Virginia, and her other
provisions lost. The Company have sent Captaine
Woodhouse in a Ship called the Tigre for that govern-
ment, a man much commended and hopefull. I have
beene told that there are three thousand persons of all
sorts living there, halfe of which number is able to beare
Armes, and exercised to that service.
206
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA
Chap. XIX.
Briefe intelligence from Virginia by Letters, a
supplement of French-Virginian Occurrants,
and their supplantation by Sir Samuel Argal,
in right of the English Plantation.
He late alteration of Virginia Govern-
ment is unknowne to none ; and most
know of the frequent complaints, both
by private Letters, and by Petitions to
his Majesty. Now least any should
hereupon thinke Virginia to be unworthy
of such our care and cost ; I have out
of one of the Planters private Letters transcribed a few
words of grievances, and yet a magnifying of the Country,
that the English may be more blamed for want of
Providence, then the Region for defect of Natures best
gifts. Other things I could alleadge from others, but
my meaning is to amend things not to quarrell them,
and to awaken the care of good men, rather then to
recite the faults of the bad. In one Letter, dated
Dec. 22. last past, he hath these words :
The intollerable rates we pay here for commodities,
as ten pound sterling a hogshead of Meale, sixteen
shillings a gallon of Alligant, three pound sterling a
Henne and eight Chickens, &c. and so according to these
rates for every thing else : lastly, the heavy taxations
that are laid upon us free men, for building of Castles,
paying of publique debts, for the not gathering of
Sasafras, &c. so that it will come to my share, with that
that is paid, and that that is to pay in Corne and Tobacco,
to at least twenty or five and twenty pound sterling, this
yeere ; so that when I have paid this, and paid my faith-
lesse servants their wages, I shal scarse have good Tobacco
enough left to buy my selfe for the next yeer a pint of
Aquavitae, &c. Thus you see (I neither warrant, nor
except against the truth, but present the worst quarelled
207
A.D.
1624.
[IV. ix.
1806.]
He mentions
in other letters
3. J. a pound of
Butter, 6J.
ready monie
for a pinte of
Milke, I O.J.
or 12.S. a day
for a workman
{Carpenter')
besides meate
and lodffng.
1624.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
paralelled with the best) complaints of great prizes of
things, not arising from plenty of money, as you reade
before in the conquest of Peru, but from I know not
what ill habit and indisposition of that Colony. And
least any man should withdraw his heart, hand, or purse
therefore from that worthy work, I have out of the same
mans Letters delivered a commendation of the Countrey.
The Letters were written, and dated 22. March 1624.
and containe for substance none other then what before
you have read in others ; yet are more sutable to this
time and purpose, as later newes and fitter directories to
the Phisitians of that Estate ; that at last the English
honour may be vindicated against so base perils from
Savages, and baser quarrels from and amongst our owne.
God prosper his Majesties care, and make those which
are therein emploied not to seeke their owne good by
hasty returnes, much lesse other their fellow adventurers
evill by calumnies and underminings, but Virginias
prosperity ; of which. Natures prosperity is thus related
by one querulous of his owne losses and crosses. His
words are these :
Now concerning the state of the Country, so much as
I have observed, I will relate unto you : First, the
Countrie it selfe, I must confesse is a very pleasant Land,
rich in Commodities, and fertile in soyle to produce all
manner of Plants, Hearbes, and_ Fruites. I have seene
here my selfe both Garrets, Turneps, Cabages, Onyons,
Leekes, Garlicke, Tyme, Parseley, Pompions, Musk-
milion, and Watermilions, rare fruits and exceeding
wholesome, here are also Strawberries ; I have lien downe
in one place in my Corne field, and in the compasse of
my reach have filled my belly in the place : and for
Mulberries, I can when I list goe and gather a bushell
at a time ; here is also a coole Fruite growing wildely
on the ground, much resembling a great Walnut with
the greene rinde on it, which reserves in it three admirable
good tastes, namely of Strawberries, Rosewater, and
Sugar, they were an exceeding great comfort to me in
208
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA a.d.
1624.
my last yeeres sicknesse, and are admirable good against
the bloudly fluxe.
English Wheate and Barley will grow here exceeding
well ; I have seene here growing as good English Wheate
as ever I saw in England in all my life. For Timber
we have the Oake, Ashe, Poplar, blacke Walnut, white
Walnut, Pines, Gumme trees ; the Pines here afford
admirable good Pitch and Tarre, and serve, split out in
small peeces, in many places of this Land instead of
Candles ; but it will smeare one worse then a Linke :
here are also Peare trees which yearely bring forth Peares.
But there is a tree that passeth all Fruite trees, which
we call by the names of a Prissurmon tree, which beareth
a Plum much about the bignesse of a Peare plum. I
doe thinke it is one of the rarest Fruites in the world ;
when they are ripe they eate naturally of themselves from
the tree better then any preserved Plummes I ever tasted
in England. The Beasts that this Land is plentifially
stored withall are Deere, Beares in some parts. Beavers,
Otters, Foxes, Hares, Squirrels, Roccounes, Possucins,
names strange to you, yet are they singular good meate ;
the Roccouns tasting as well as Pigges flesh. Indian
Dogges here are as good meate with us as your English
Lambe. English Cattell here increase and thrive very
well, as Kine, Hogges, Goates, and Poultry. Fowle here
are abundance, as Swans, Brants, Geese, Turkies, Herons,
Cranes, Eagles, fishing Hawkes, Bussards, Ducke and
Mallard, Sheldrake, Dapchicke, Partriches, Pidgeons,
Crowes, Blacke-birds, and all manner of small Birds in
abundance. Our Rivers here are likewise rich by the
abundance of Fish, as Herings, Shads, Perch, Eele, Pike,
Carpe, Cat-fish, Rock-fish, Gor-fish, and Sturgeon. If
here were any that would make fishing for Sturgeon an
occupation, they might take inough to furnish this Land,
and also plentifially supply England. I my selfe have
seene above twenty Sturgeon leape above water in lesse
then two houres. As for our Graine, I thinke it produceth
the plentifiillest encrease of any Come in the World ;
XIX 209 o
^•« PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1624.
for I have scene one graine of Corne, that by the assist-
ance of growth and time, hath yeelded a pint of Corne :
we have here also Beanes and Pease.
I confesse here are plentie of all those things I have
set before you, but all the craft is in catching them ; for
he that will get any gaine, must be a wary and a well
eyed shot, and to prop his profession, he must adde great
care and vigilance, both in defending himselfe and winning
his game. It hath beene often seene in this Land, that
whilest an Englishman hath beene winning his game, an
Indian hath dogd him, attending his opportunitie by the
others discharge to fill him full of Arrowes. Since the
Massacre they have killed us in our owne doores, fields,
and houses : thus are we not safe neither at home nor
abroad ; and (which grieves me to write) our safetie is
lessened by our malice one to another, for the most part
altogether neglecting the common enemie. I my selfe
and my wife are by some secret enemies much wronged,,
for I am shaven so bare, that I have scarse either Garter,
Girdle, Stocking, or Shirt left ; all my wearing Cloathes
likewise are torne and tattered, I can accuse no man, and
they that likewise doe it, doe it privately, and which
grieves me most of all, they strive by base and insinuating
[IV. ix. meanes to clip the wings, as well of my prosperitie as of
1 807.] my reputation ; yet I hope God will give me patience to
beare, and in his good time give me a joyfuU deliverance
in the middest of all these miseries. Whilest I was a
writing these lines, newes was brought me of the killing
of one, and the carrying away prisoner of another of my
neighbours, by the Indians ; one was an old Virginian,
and one who for a long time was Sir Thomas Dale his
Overseer in this Land, his name was Master Henry
Watkins : and but two dales agoe there was another that
had his braines beaten out by the Indians, in the next
Plantation to us. Wherefore with a sad and sorrowfull
heart I take my leave of you deere Father, Mother,
Sisters, Brethren, and all the rest of my kinde and loving
friends ; for the case stands so with us here, that if wee
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA
goe out in the morning, wee know not whether wee shall
ever returne ; working with our Hoe in one hand, and
our Peece or Sword in the other, &c.
And now from latest intelligence you have notice of
the good and evill, as becommeth a faithfuU Historian,
nequid non veri audeat, nequid veri non audeat ; It is
good to know the worst, to prevent it : forewarned,
forearmed. Easily you may see that the good things of
Virginia are naturall and her owne, the bad accidentall
and our owne ; and consequently if wee amend our selves,
Virginia will soone be amended. The body there is
found ; to cut the haire, avoide the excrements, paire
the nailes, wash away sweate and dust, and to cure other
hke accidents of negligence, or impenitent and unprofit-
able diligence, is a worke feasible and facile also to
industrious and unanimous workemen. One thing
touching the French (whose Plantations are before recited)
remaineth, that we take away all scruple from feare of
suspected neighbours. I shall therefore adde a little more
touching them, the conclusion of their Virginian Planta-
tion in a double sense. As for the English right to these
parts, the next Chapter will shew, and consequently the
Justice of Sir Samuell Argals act. The Patents to Sir
Humfry Gilbert, and to Sir Walter Raleigh, and their
actuall possession before these latter Plantations may be
alleadged likewise against the French. These things I
have collected out or Sir William Alexanders Encourage-
ment to Colonies ; Lescarbot hath also related them.
The Marquesse de la Roche, by a Commission from
Henry the fourth, intending a Voyage for Canada,
happened by the way upon the He of Sablon (which is
now comprehended within the Patent of new Scotland)
and there (trusting to the strength of the place, where
there are no Savages at all) landed some of his men, till
he should have found a convenient place within the maine
Land fit for a habitation, promising then to returne for
them. But it was his fortune, by reason of contrary
winde, never to finde the Maine Land, but he was blowne
A.D.
1624.
Corteregalis
made a voiage
to those parts
An. 1 500.
and another
1 501. After
that his
brother, but
both lost.
Gomes
another Por-
tugal sought
straits there
An. 1525.
The land was
called Terra
Corteregalis
from 60. deg.
to S. Laurence.
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1624.
backe to France without seeing of them, where he was
in the time of the civill warres (such is the uncertainty
of worldly things) taken prisoner by the Duke of
Mercaeur, and shortly after died ; so that his people whom
he had left at Sablon, furnished but for a short time, had
quickly spent their provisions, having for their main-
tenance onely such things as the place it selfe did without
labour freely afford ; which hath a race of Cowes, as is
thought, first transported thither by the Portugals, that
have long continued there : they had likewise there
growing wilde, of this which wee call Turkey Wheate,
and sundry Rootes fit to be eaten, and every where
abundance of Fishes, with Venison, and (having no
meanes to live but by sport) as for their Apparell, they
cloathed themselves with the Skins of such creatures as
they could kill by Land or Sea : so that having lived
there for the space of 12. years : when they were presented
to King Henry, who had hired a Fisherman to bring
them home, as I have heard from them that did see them
at first before the King, they were in very good health,
and looked as well as if they had lived all that time in
France : having bin abused by the Fisherman, who
cunningly conceiling that he had bin directed by the King,
did bargaine with them to have all their Skins for trans-
porting them home, which were of great value, some of
them being of blacke Foxes, which have bin sould at
fiftie pound sterling a peece and above : for the recovery
thereof they intended a Processe against him before the
Court of Parliament at Paris, wherein they prevailed,
gaining by that meanes a stocke wherewith to traffique
in these parts againe.
Monsieur de Montes betaking himselfe to trade for
Furs, Monsieur Pourtrincourt resolving to prosecute the
Plantation at that place sent his sonne Biencourt to
France, to bargaine with some that would send them a
supply, such as was requisite for establishing of that
Colonie.
The first that embraced his propositions were the
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA ad.
1624.
Jesuites, who as they have ordinarily good wits which Jesuites.
made them the rather capable of so advantagious a
project, so they were the more animated thereunto by
upbraiding the lazinesse of our Clargie, to shew with
what fervency they travelled to propagate the Gospell,
in doing whereof (whether it be ambition or devotion that
provokes them) sparing no paines, they have travelled
both to the East and West Indies, and to the admired
Kingdome of China. Their society in France, prevailing
with all that had any inclination either to zeale or to
vertue, did easily gather a voluntary contribution for the
farthering of so commendable a purpose. Thereafter
they sent away two Fathers of their Company, with a new
supply of all things necessary to the Plantation at Port
Royall, but shortly after their arrivall (their predominant
disposition hardly yeelding to any superiour, specially
if it be a secular power) they began to contradict Pourtrin-
court in the execution of those decrees which had bin ^^^- ^'^■
given forth by him, as civill Magistrate of that place : '
whereupon the Gentleman extreamely discontented, and
weary of contesting with him ; having said that it was
his part to rule them upon earth, and theirs onely to
guide him the way to heaven, he returned backe to
France, leaving his Sonne Biencourt in his place. Who
being a youth, at that time of more courage then circum-
spectnesse, disdaining to be controuled by them whom
he had envited thither, and scorning their insupportable
presumption, using spirituall armes for temporall ends,
and an imperious kinde of carriage, who onely for spleene
had excommunicated and branded him with a spirituall
censure ; he threatned them by his temporall power with
a more palpable punishment. So that after much con-
troversie, resolving to separate themselves, the two
Jesuites taking a part of the Company with them, went
from thence to a place in new England, called by them
Mount Desart, where they seated themselves ; and having
a supply from the Queene Mother did plant sundry Fruit
trees of the most delicate kindes in France, such as
213
A°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1624.
Apricockes and Peaches, never intending to remove from
thence.
n have heard At this time Sir Samuel Argall being then Governor*
Dalewl'the °^ Virginia, coasted alongst new England to traffique and
Governor of discover, or to acquire things necessary for the Southerne
Virginia and Colony in these parts, where the lands are reputed to be
sent him. more fertil, and the Seas more frequented, & did conceive
by a description made unto him by the Savages, that there
were some come from this part of the World to inhabit
there ; and being jealous of any thing that might derogate
from the honour, or prove prejudiciall to the benefit of
his Nation, where their interest in this was easle to be
apprehended ; he went whereas he was informed that
they were, and his unexpected arrivall, as It would seeme,
not onely amazed the mindes of the French, but like-
wise preventing their preparation and resolution ; he
approached so neere to a Ship that lay before their Fort,
that hee beate them all that were therein with Musket
shot from making any use of their Ordnance, save one
Jesuite Med. of the two Jesultes, who was killed in giving fire to a
Peece : Having taken the Ship, they landed and went
before the Fort, summoning them that were therein to
yeelde themselves, who at the first made some difficulty,
asking a time to advise ; but that being refused, they
privately abandoned the Fort, stealing out by some backe
way into the Woods, where they staled one night, and
the next day comming backe, rendered themselves to Sir
Samuel Argall, who had lodged all that night within the
Fort, giving up the Patent they had from the French
King to be cancelled. He used them very curteously,
as their owne Writers doe make mention, suffring such
as had a minde to goe for France, to seeke out Fishers
Ships wherein they might be transported ; the rest that
were willing to goe for Virginia went thither alongst
with him ; no man having lost his life but onely that one
Jesuite, who was killed whilst they made resistance, during
the time of the conflict. Thereafter Father Biard, the
other of the Jesultes, comming backe from Virginia with
214
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA a.d.
1624.
Sir Samuell Argall, out of the indigestable malice that
he had conceived against Biencourt, did informe him
where he had planted himselfe, offering (as he did) to
conduct him thither. As soone as they were entered
within the Fort, neere the uppermost of the Hands, Sir
Samuel directed the Ship to ride at a reasonable distance
to attend occasions before the Fort did land himselfe with
forty of the best of his men upon a Meddow, where
immediately they heard a peece of Ordnance from the
Fort, and he conceiving since it was shot whilst it could
doe no harme, that it was done either but to give terrour
to them, or to warne some that might happen to be abroad,
did make the greater haste towards the Fort, where he
presently entered, finding it abandoned without any men
at all left for the defence thereof. He went up the River
side five or six miles, where he saw their Barnes, and the
ground where a great quantity of Wheate had grown,
which he carried with him to prove for Seede in Virginia :
he saw also their corne Milne very conveniently placed,
which together with the Barnes he left standing untouched.
As for the Fruit it selfe he destroied it downe to the
ground, racing the French armes, and leaving no Monu-
ment that might remaine to witnesse their being here.
After this, Biencourt, who had been somewhere abroad
travelling through the Countrey comming home, desired
to conferre with Sir Samuel Argall, who did meete with
him a part from the company upon a meadow : and after
they had expostulated a space for what had past contro-
verting concerning the French and English, little to these
bounds, at last Biencourt offered, if hee might have a
protection from him, to depend upon our King, and to
draw the whole Furres of that Countrey to one Port,
where he would divide them with him ; as likewise hee
would show him good mettalls, whereof he gave him
pieces, the other refused to joyne in any societie with him,
protesting that his Commission was onely to displant him,
and that if hee found him there thereafter hee would use
him as an enemy. Beincourt labouring earnestly to have
21S
A.D.
1624.
[IV. h
1809.]
Tie South Sea
suspected {as
bejfore in
Dermers
letter) by
Savages
relations.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
had the Jesuit, as he confessed, with a purpose to hang
him. Whilest they were discoursing together, one of the
Savages rushing suddenly forth from the Woods, and
licentiated to come neere, did after his manner, with such
broken French as he had earnestly mediate a peace,
wondring why they that seemed to be of one Country,
should use others with such hostilitie, and that with such
a forme of habit and gesture as made them both to laugh.
After Biencourt removing from thence to some other.
Monsieur Champlein, who had lived long here, did carry
a company with him from France of some fortie persons
or thereabouts, up the River of Canada whom hee planted
on the North side thereof, with a purpose to sue for a
Factory, drawing all the trade of that farre running River,
within the hands of a few whom he doth command, which
a Plantation would have dispersed in many parts, other-
wise, if his desires had beene bended that way, hee might
have planted many people there ere now ; the place is
called Kebeck, where the French doe prosper well, having
Corne by their owne labour, which may furnish themselves
for foode, and likewise for a stocke to traffique with the
Savages, with sundry other Fruites, Rootes, Vine grapes
and Turkey Wheate. Champlein hath discovered the
River of Canada from the Gulfe upwards above 1200.
miles, finding in it sometimes such fals as he must carry
his Boate a little way by land, and then put it in againe.
He did many times come to great Lakes, at the end
whereof he did alwaies finde a River againe : and the
last Lake where he came was a very huge one, judged to
be three hundred miles in length, by the report or some
Savages, who did affirme unto him, that at the further
end thereof they did finde Salt water, and that they had
seene great Vessels ; which made Champlein beleeve that
a passage might be there to the Bay of California, or to
some part of the South Sea, which would prove an
inestimable benefit for the Inhabitants of these parts,
opening a neere way to China, which hath bin so many
sundry wayes with so great charges so long sought for.
216
INTELLIGENCE FROM VIRGINIA a.d.
1624.
Howsoever, in regard of the season, and for want of
necessary provisions, Champleine did returne baclce at that
time, with a purpose to goe againe another yeare : which
if hee hath done is not yet knowne, but this is most
certaine, that the River of Canada hath a long course,
and through many goodly Countries : some of these great
Lakes, by sending forth, or by receiving great Rivers,
doe afford meanes of commerce as farre as to some parts
of Terra Florida, as may be gathered by Champleines
discovery, &c.
THus have I given thee Others travells to Virginia
and the Summer Hands, I will conclude with mine
owne travells for them. I see many likely to bee
disheartened by the slender growth of the Virginian
Plantation, which for the time might have beene not onely
a safe, but a rich and blessed Mother of a numerous
thriving generation, branching farre into other Colonies ;
and yet is ! But why doe I intercept your eyes and divert
your thoughts (suspend them at best) from that which
for my Countries good and zeale to Virginia, without
partiall respect on the right hand or on the left, with a
candid right hand I here present, and forbid all sinister
hands to meddle with? Tros Tyriusve mihi — I side no
where, but embrace Virginia with a right heart, my pen
directed, my hands erected for her good, which can doe
mee no other good, but in reference to the publike, whose
I am and whom under God and his Majestic I serve and
observe with all that I have, am, and can. I had written
it as a tractate by it selfe, at the request of some worthy
friends, but here have abridged it in some such things as
the other parts of these Volumes containe.
217
A.D.
1625.
'Eic AiSe ap-
Xii/ie(7(3a Tov
yd Kal y4vos
Arat. Of
God, and the
image of God
in Man.
Gen. I. I.
Eph. 4. 24.
Gen. I. 28.
Gen. 9. 2.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Chap. XX.
Virginias Verger : Or a Discourse shewing the
benefits which may grow to this Kingdome
from American English Plantations, and speci-
ally those of Virginia and Summer Hands.
Od is the beginning and end, the Alpha
and Omega, that first and last, of whom
and for whom are all things. The first
and last thing therefore in this Virginian
argument considerable, is God ; that is,
whether we have Commission from him
to plant, and whether the Plantation may
bring glory to him : This in regard of us and our scope ;
That in regard of it, and the lawfulnesse thereof. To
begin with this ; In the beginning God created heaven
and earth (all things therefore are his by a higher name
then right, this rule and the things ruled, being his
creatures) of both which Man onely amongst Visible
creatures was created capable, which Moses delivereth in
these words, that God created him after his owne Image :
which is spoken not onely of the spirituall, immortall
substance of his soule, whose unity shineth with that
created Trinity of Understanding, Will, Memory, in it
selfe ; and that of Vegetation, Sense, Reason, exercised
in and by bodily motion ; but more especially in regard
of the Creator, a conformity to him in righteousnesse &
holinesse of truth (the whole Man shining with a borrowed
light, as the Moone is the image and reflexion of the
Sunne) and in regard of the Creature, a just dominion
over the same, as the holy words manifest ; replenish the
Earth and subdue it, and have dominion over the Fish of
the Sea, and over the Fowle of the ayre, and over every
living thing that moveth upon the earth. Although Mans
rebellion had forfeited this Naturall Charter, yet was the
same in the repeopling of the World renewed to Noah
and his Sons, which ever since have beene in actuall
218
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
possession : and as Adam gave names (as humaine eare- Gen. z.
marks) to the living creatures ; so Noahs heires have
since given names to Seas and Lands, and other creatures
quite thorow the knowne World. Neither did the Fall
of Man so cracke this earthen vessell, that all his created [^^ • '''■
excellence ran out: for neither were the substance or 18 10.]
faculties of the soule extinct, nor his prerogative over the
visible creatures (the spirituall creature naturally excelling
the bodily, and the reasonable and living, the sensitive,
vegetative and torpid : ) these received a wound, the other
(his spirituall and religious conformitie in these to God)
as a purer water of the purest life, ran forth irrecoverably ;
and as our naturall parts were weakned and wounded, so
of those supernaturall wee were utterly robbed ; till that
good Samaritan undertooke the restitution of that in
redemption, whereunto in creation he had given first
institution, God hath laid upon him the iniquitie of us ^'"y S3-
all, and in his stripes wee are healed ; our Charter is renued
and now made so compleat, that whereas the devills
thought to rob man of Earth and Paradise, Hee which '■ ^'"'- 3-
taketh the wise in his craftinesse hath restored him : nay
(that is little) hath added Heaven Himselfe : that as the
Israelites entred upon the houses. Cities and possessions
of the cursed Canaanites, so Christians into those Thrones
and celestiall Dominions, which those spirituall Thrones
and Dominions lost, and there have God himselfe and
the Lambe to be their Temple and All in all unto them Jj>oc. u.
forever, Amen. '• ^'"■- '5-
Hence is it that Christians (such as have the Grace of Of the right of
the Spirit of Christ, and not the profession of his merit ^^^Iff""""^
alone) have and hold the world and the things thereof in Heathens to
another tenure, whereof Hypocrites and Heathens are not the world.
capable. These have onely a Naturall right, by the ^^i t^^'^
reliques of the Law of Nature left in Man, by the Creators ffi^\27led
goodnesse, for the conservation of the face of a world j„ Xo. 1. /. i.
in the world; the same further improved with a war- r.i.i 3.4.5.
rantization, Contra omnes gentes (our evidences dialect)
hy the Law of Nations unto Nations, and Lawes Politicke
219
A.D.
1625.
70^.8.35.36.
IltoTis dvo-
■jrdKpiTos,
I. Tim. I. 6.
Christians
may not spoile
Heathens.
Gal. 3. 17.
Tit. I.
Matth. 5.
/fl^K 19. 36.
2. Ccr. 10.4.
Afij«/5. 16.
Jud. 8.
2. P^/. 2. 19.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
and Civill in each Nation, allotting to the members thereof
the publike and private civill rights and tenures, which
either publike or private, persons or corporations, held
therein.
This tenure comparatively that Christian, is by our
Lord himselfe called a tenure in villenage, that of sonnes :
the servant hath his time and abides not in the house for
ever: but the sonne is heire in fee simple (fide simplici)
for ever. Neither yet is it lawfiill for Christians, to
usurpe the goods and lands of Heathens; for they are
villains not to us ; but to our and their Lord ; nor hath
the Sonne in nonage power to dispossesse villaines : nor
are wee sonnes by nature, but by adoption, and a later
Evangelicall Charter which doth not disannuU the former
(the Truth, or Word of the Gospel received by Faith,
makes us free) free Tenants to our Lord, not Lordly
subverters of others tenures ; which may with a good
conscience use our owne (all things to the pure are pure,
which others cannot, whose conscience being pitchy, all
things it toucheth, are defiled) and not, as some have
turned libertie into licentiousnesse, with a bad conscience
take away that which is anothers. Christ came not to
destroy the Law, of which one Commandement is. Thou
shalt not steale : My Kingdome, saith hee, is not of this
world, and therefore properly medleth not with proprietie
and civill interests. The weapons of our warfare, saith
Saint Paul, are not carnall but spirituall, and the Keyes
so much boasted on by Peters pretended Successors, are
called Keyes of the Kingdome of Heaven ; lawfull keyes,
not thievish picklocks ; of Heaven, not of Earth. And
it is remarkable that neither Pope nor Anabaptist (the
troubles of Israel with worse then Heathenish conceits in
this kind) ever inverted or interverted Scepters, till' they
had denied the very Christian name which they received
in Baptisme ; nor dispised government till they were twice
dead, nor promised this libertie to others, till themselves
were the servants of corruption. Even a Malefactor, a
Traytor, a very Faux, or Raviliac, is permitted to breath.
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
yea is in prison, the Kings house (whereof no private
hand may dispossesse him) maintained at the Kings charge,
till judgement have passed on him, which to the world
is not till the end of the world, when Christ shall come
to judge the quick and dead ; who once so respected the
jurisdiction of Ethnickes, that himselfe was thereby
adjudged to the worst of sufferings, yea acknowledged
that power given to Pilat from above. His Birth acknow- Jo^n '9- ' i-
ledged Augustus his Edict, his Infancy fled Herods
tyranny, his Man-hood payd Tiberius tribute, and his
Death was Roman both in kind and sentence. Let every Rom. 13. i.
soule be subject to the higher powers, yeelded those noble
armies of Martyrs in the Primitive Church ; the contrary
whereof hath yeelded Mastives and Monsters in these
last and worst dayes.
Therefore was Babels building in the East (and shall Gen. n.
not Babelbable building in the West be) confounded that
men might bee dispersed thorow the world, to take
possession of their inheritance : and God which said,
Replenish the earth, hath made of one bloud all Nations ^cts 17. 27.
of men, to dwell on all the face of the earth, and hath
determined the times and bounds of their habitation.
Hee gave Ar to the children of Lot, and the Land of the Deut.2.f).\<).
Horims to Esaus posteritie, though not with like circum-
stances as Canaan to Israel : and it was by speciall
indulgence, that Israel both spoiled the Egyptians and
disherited the Canaanites. Let it bee enough, that Christ
hath given us our selves in the Lords service to bee a
perfect freeman, the Universe in an universaU tenure,
and Heaven in reversion ; that hath given his Sonne,
doth give his Spirit, will give himselfe; that all things i-Cor. 3.
are ours, and wee Christs, and Christ Gods : without
thoughts of invasion and usurpation, knowing that
Christian Charity seeketh not her owne things (much '• ^'"- '3-
lesse obtrudes on others) and Christian libertie maketh
liberall Saints of naturall men, not unnaturall devills of
professed Saints. Our Light should so shine before Matih. 5.
others, that they may see our good workes, that they 1 . Pet. 3.
A.D.
1625.
[IV. ix.
181I.]
Mans naturall
right in places,
either wholly
or in great
part not
inhabited.
Abraham,
Lot, Jacob,
i£c.
I have heard
by one which
I thinke hath
more searched
the Countrie
then any other
Cap. Smith,
that in neere
so much as all
England, they
have not above
5000. men
able to bear
armes, which
manured and
civilly planted
might well
nourish
1500000.
and many
many more; as
appeareth by
this our
countrie, not
having so rich
a naturall
Inheritance.
Right of Mer-
chandise.
I . Cor. 1 1 . 2 1 .
Securitie of
Ports.
Gen. 10.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
which know not the world, may bee won without the
Word, in admiring our Christian conversation.
This should be, and in the most Adventurers I hope is
the scope of the Virginian Plantation, not to make
Savages and wild degenerate men of Christians, but
Christians of those Savage, wild, degenerate men ; to
whom preaching must needs bee vaine, if it begins with
publike Latrocinie. And this is sufficient to prevent
scruple of the Popes Bui, which (if Basan Buls roaring
were evidence) maketh aswel against England, this being
no lesse questionable then Virginia, Paul, Pius, Gregory
Sixtus breathing as much fire against this, as Alexander
for that. But what right can England then challenge to
Virginia? I answere, that we would be loth to begin
our right at wrong, either to Ethnick or Christian : nor
need we, having so manifold and just interests. First,
as men, we have a naturall right to replenish the whole
earth : so that if any Countrey be not possessed by other
men, (which is the case of Summer Hands, and hath beene
of all Countries in their first habitations) every man by
Law of Nature and Humanitie hath right of Plantation,
and may not by other after-commers be dispossessed,,
without wrong to human nature. And if a country be
inhabited in some parts therof, other parts remaining
unpeopled, the same reason giveth liberty to other men
which want convenient habitation to seat themselves,
where (without wrong to others) they may provide for
themselves. For these have the same right unto these
latter parts, which the former had to the former ; especially
where the people is wild, and holdeth no settled possession
in any parts. Thus the holy Patriarks removed their
habitations and pasturages, when those parts of the world
were not yet replenished : and thus the whole world hath
been planted and peopled with former and later Colonies :
and thus Virginia hath roome enough for her own (were
their numbers an hundred times as many) and for others
also which wanting at home, seeke habitations there in
vacant places, with perhaps better right then the firsts
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
which (being like Cain, both Murtherers and Vagabonds
in their whatsoever and howsoever owne) I can scarsly
call Inhabitants. To question this right, were to accuse
almost all Nations which were rocked (for the most part)
in no other cradle : and to disappoint also that Divine
Ordinance of replenishing the Earth, whose habitations
otherwise would be like scattered Hands in the Seas, or
as the present Spanish Plantations in the Indies, so
dispersed and disjoyned that one cannot in any distresse
succour another, and therefore are made an easier prey
to every Invader. Another right is that of Merchandise :
Non omnia possumus omnes. Nee vero terrse ferre omnes
omnia possunt ; God in manifold wisedome hath diversified
every Countries commodities, so that all are rich, and all
poore ; not that one should be hungry and another
drunken, but that the whole world might be as one body
of mankind, each member communicating with other for
publike good. He hath made this immutable decree in
the mutabilitie of the Winds, commodities & commodious-
nesse of Seas, and Harbors, varietie of Bales and Rivers,
multiplicity of all Mens both Necessities and Superfluities,
and their universall desires of Novelties. Thus Salomon
and Hiram had right to sayle over the Ocean, and to
negotiate with the Ophirians for Gemmes, Gold, Ivory,
and other commodities serviceable for his peoples
necessities, for pompous Magnificence, and for the
Temples Holies. And if hee did not plant Colonies
there, you must remember that the Jewish Pale was then
standing, which prohibited voluntarie remote dwellings,
where each man was thrice a yeere to appeare before the
Lord in Jerusalem. Besides, it is a question whether the
Countrey peopled so long before, had roome for such
Neighbours.
It is therefore ungodly, and inhumane also to deny the
world to men, or like Manger-dogges (neither to eat hay
themselves, nor to suffer the hungry Oxe) to prohibite
that for others habitation, whereof themselves can make
no use ; or for merchandise, whereby much benefit
223
A.D.
1625.
Rom. 2. 14.
Right
National!: Jus
gentium.
Lucan.
Right by right
conquest.
2. Sam. 10.
Deut. 2. 19.
[IV. ix.
1812.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
accreweth to both parts. They which doe this, Tollunt
e vita vitae societatem, to use Tullies phrase, & hominem
ex homine tollunt, to borrow Saint Jeroms in another
matter. The Barbarians themselves by light of nature
saw this, and gave Ours kind entertainment in mutuall
cohabitation and commerce : and they having not the Law
were a Law to themselves, practically acknowledging this
Law of Nature written by him, which is Natura naturans,
in their hearts : from which if they since have declined,
they have lost their owne Naturall, and given us another
Nationall right ; their transgression of the Law of Nature,
which tieth Men to Men in the rights of Natures com-
mons, exposing them (as a forfeited bortd) to the chastise-
ment of that common Law of m.ankind ; and also on our
parts to the severitie of the Law of Nations, which tyeth
Nation to Nation. And if they Bee not worthy of the
name of a Nation, being wilde and Savage : yet as Slaves,
bordering rebells, excommunicates and out-lawes are
lyable to the punishments of Law, and not to the
priviledges ; So is it with these Barbarians, Borderers and
Out-lawes of Humanity. Arma tenenti. Omnia dat qui
justa negat. If the Armes bee just, as in this case of
vindicating unnaturall, inhumane wrongs to a loving and
profitable Nation, entertained voluntarily, in time of
greatest pretended amity. On this quarrell David con-
quered all the Kingdome of the Ammonites and left it to
his successours in many generations, notwithstanding
Moses had otherwise left a speciall caution for their
security, testifying that God had given it the sonnes of
Lot, and prohibiting invasion to Israel. That natural
right of cohabitation and commerce we had with others,
this of just invasion and conquest, and many others
praevious to this, we have above others ; so that England
may both by Law of Nature and Nations challenge
Virginia for her owne peculiar propriety, and that by all
right and rites usuall amongst men, not those mentioned
alone but by others also, first discovery, first actuall
possession, prescription, gift, cession, and livery of seisin,
224
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
sale for price, that I mention not the natural! Inheritance Englands
of the English their naturally borne, and the unnatural! "if^'fit^
outcries of so many unnaturally murthered, for just ^- ''■^°
vengeance of rooting out the authors and aciors of so
prodigious injustice.
And first for discovery, the English, Spaniard, and ^"'
Portugal! seeme the Triumviri of the Worlds first dis- '^'"'^'n-
coveries, the Spaniard and Portugall first opening the
Eastern, Western, and Southern parts, the English the
Northern America, and all known parts thence to the
North and Northeast. I could bring authority for King
Arthurs conquests, above 1000. yeers since in Island,
Gronland, Estotiland : but I feare this would seeme too
weake a foundation, and (which lyers get by lying) dis-
credit our other authorities lesse suspicious ; howsoever
Authors of best note in Geography alledge those, which Menator D.
reverence of the truth makes me let passe. And so Pf^- ^'*^-
I doe King Malgo soone after him, and Saint Brandon,
and the Friar of Oxford (which A. 1360. is said to discover
to the Pole) and Owen Gwined Prince of North Wales m. Thome.
his Sonne Madock, A. 1 1 70. which conveyed a Colony, &ir Sei.
as learned men thinke into the West Indies. In all Cfl""''- Ms
Antiquities, as Varro observed, there are somethings f''^!"!'' '" '"^
ri 1 / T 1 1 r \ 1 ■ ■ pnvie gallerte
rabulous (so 1 deeme the former) somethmg uncertame, atlVhiteHall
as this last ; and somethings Historical!, as that which we hath these
shall deliver. Robert Thorne in a Booke to Doctor Leigh v}ords.
writeth, that his father with another Merchant of Bristol, ^^^" ^'^•
Hugh Eliot, were the first discoverers of the New- finif^annu^
found-lands ; and if the Mariners would have beene ruled Cabota
by their Pilot, the Lands of the West Indies from whence Veneti, milith
the Gold commeth had beene ours. What yeere this ^'^''"i,^(-A'
happened he expresseth not ; but the words import that ^^^yJ'^/J
it was before Columbus his discovery. And before serving H. 7.
Columbus his discovery of the continent, Sir Sebastian H. 8. Ed. 6.
Cabot, at the charges of K. Henry the seventh, with two """ flaunted
Carvels, in the yeere 1496. (so himselfe, in Ramusio ; the q/u^^I ^''..
Map with his picture in the Privy Gallery hath 1497.) he was b'orne
sailed to the New-found-land, which he called Prima Vista, at Bristol.
XIX 225 p
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
and the Hand S. Johns, because it was discovered on the
Feast of S. John Baptist ; from whence he sailed Northerly
to 67. deg. and a halfe, hoping by that way to passe to
Cathay, but his mutinous company (terrified haply with
Ice and cold) forced his returne, which hee made along
the Coast toward the Equinoctial!, to the part of the firme
land now called Florida, and then his victualls failing, he
returned into England, where by occasion of warres with
Scotland, the imploiment was laid aside. Afterwards the
same Sir Sebastian Cabot was sent, A. 1516. by King
Henry the eight, together with Sir Thomas Pert Vice-
admirall of England, which after coasting this Continent
the second time, as I have read, discovered the Coast of
Brasil, and returned from thence to S. Domingo and
Puerto Rico. Now Columbus his first discovery of the
Hands, was in 1492. of the Continent in his third voyage
in August, 1497. or as others, 1498. so that counting
most ravourably for Columbus, Cabot had discovered the
Continent in June next before ; by one reckoning above
a yeere, by another above two yeeres before. And indeed
that New World might more fitly have borne his name,
then America of Americus vesputius, or of Columbus,
Cabot having discovered farre more of that Continent then
they both, or any man else in those Seas : to wit, from
67. degrees and an halfe to the Line, and from thence
Southerly to the River of Plate.
Hee also was the principal! mover in the setting forth
of Sir Hugh Willoughby, in King Edwards time (under
Sir Seb. Cab. whom he was constituted Grand Pilot of England, with
Grand Pilot of the annual! stipend of one hundred sixtie sixe pound
England. thirteene shillings foure pence) in which voyage Greene-
land was discovered (neither is there any other Wil-
loughbys Land to be found, but in erroneous Maps) and
the Russian Empire by the North Cape, and the Bay of
Saint Nicolas. But for Virginia, as it was then discovered
by Sir Seb. Cabot, so it received that name from our
continuation Virgin-Mother, Great Elizabeth : in whose time formal
prescription. & actual possession was taken for her Majesty, the
226
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
thirteenth of July, 1584. by Captain Philip Amadas, and
Captain Barlow, whom Sir Walter Raleigh had sent thither
with two Barkes furnished ; who also the next yeere,
1585. sent Sir Richard Greenevile with seven sayle, which
there left an English Colony under the government of
M. Ralph Lane. A. 1586. hee sent another Ship of one
hundred Tuns thither for their reliefe : but the Colony
being returned in Sir Francis Drakes Fleet, shee returned
also. Sir Richard Greenevile also about a fortnight after
their departure arrived with three Ships, and not finding
the Colonic, left fifteene men to keepe possession, furnished
with provision for two yeeres.
A. 1587. Sir Walter Raleigh sent a new Colony of one The names of
hundred & fifty persons, with three saile, a Ship of one above \oQ.art
hundred and twenty Tuns, a Fly-boat and a Pinnace. ^^^^
Hee appointed twelve Assistants to the Governour, and Tome.
incorporated them by the name of Governour and
Assistants of the Citie of Raleigh in Virginia. To these.
Sir Walter Raleigh sent succour five severall times, the
last by Samuel Mace, 1602. An. 1603. the Bristow men
sent thither, by leave of Sir Walter Raleigh, in which
Expedition was Master Robert Saltern, who the yeere
before had beene with Cap. Bart. Gosnold. And thus
are wee come to the beginning of his Majesties gracious
raigne, when the North and South Plantations were by
new Patents eagerly pursued, the one from hence, the
other from the West parts of England. Mawooshen and
other parts, were many yeeres visited by our men, and
An. 1607. ^ Plantation setled at Sagadahoc, by two Ships
sent by that wise and severe Justice Sir John Popham
and others : the successe whereof hath been such, that
from the North Plantation it hath beene dignified with
the Title of New England. And for the Southerne parts,
A. 1606. a Colony went firom hence, set forth by the [IV. ix.
Virginia Company, which have ever since maintained their ' '^■■
Plantation in differing fortunes. As for the former
Plantations of Sir Walter Raleigh, some children were
borne to them there : and whether they live, they con-
227
A.D.
1625.
Two former
Colonies,
wholly, l£c.
Virffnians
acknowledge
subjection and
service to the
English.
Right by buy-
ing l^ selling:
and by cession.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
tinued the possession ; or if the Savages dealt perfidiously
with them (as Powhatan confessed to Cap. Smith, that
hee had beene at their slaughter, and had divers utensills
of theirs to shew) their carkasses, the dispersed bones of
their and their Countrey mens since murthered carkasses,
have taken a mortall immortall possession, and being dead,
speake, proclaime and cry, This our earth is truly English,
and therefore this Land is justly yours O English.
Thus have we discovered the English right by Dis-
covery, Possession, Praescription ; to which we may adde,
that none other Nation hath once adventured to settle
in those parts, nor scarce to view them : yea the French
and Spanish Plantations in Florida, Virginias Southerne
neighbour, soone ended in bloudy massacres, the Spanish
cruelly murthering the French, under the conduct of
Pedro Melendes, which An. 1567. was repaid them by
Dominique de Gorgues, the acquittance written with his
sword in Spanish bloud : Florida ever since expecting
civilizing from her first discoverers the English : which
is further ratified by the former Spanish disasters in the
Expeditions of Pamphilo di Navarez, 1527. and of Soto,
1537. into Florida: which two journeyes consumed neere
one thousand men therein imployed : besides other
Expeditions of Ponce de Leon and others mentioned by
Vega and the Spanish Authors.
Now for voluntary subjection of the Natives, giving
themselves and their lands to the Crown of England,
M. Ralph Lane hath testified for the first Colonie, that
Menatonon their King by his Messenger, & with him
twentie foure principal men sent from Okisko King of
Weopomiok his Vassall, formally acknowledged Her
Majesty as servants and homagers to her, and under her
to Sir W. R. For the last Plantation by the present
Patent of His Majesty, Paspehay, one of their Kings sold
us land for Copper, and Powhatan the chiefe Lord of
all the Savages, with thirty nine Werowances, have yeelded
to more then formes and circumstances of homage ; besides
contribution, having also actually sold for Copper by him
228
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
received of Cap. John Smith, and made voluntary cession
of as much as the English desired, going away with
his people to leave it to the English onely. This purchase
was much increased by Sir Thomas Dale, and for what-
soever else which he held, hee accepted a Copper Crowne
as Vassall to His Majesty : which also hee really performed
for a time, howsoever since they have beene perfidious.
And this perfidiousnesse of theirs hath further warranted Right by
the English Title. Temperance and Justice had before ^o'f"'"'''-
kissed each other, and seemed to blesse the cohabitations
of English and Indians in Virginia. But when Virginia
was violently ravished by her owne ruder Natives, yea
her Virgin cheekes dyed with the bloud of three Colonies
(that of Sir R. Greenevile, that of Sir W. R. both con-
fessed by themselves, and this last butchery intended to
all, extended to so many hundreths, with so immaine,
inhumane, devillish treachery) that I speake not of
thousands otherwise mis-caring here and mis-carrying
there, taking possession of Virginia by their facts, arid
fates, by so manifold losses adding to the price of Virginias Fatal/ posses-
purchase : Temperance could not temper her selfe, yea """■
the stupid Earth seemes distempered with such bloudy
potions and cries that shee is ready to spue out her
Inhabitants : Justice cryeth to God for vengeance, and
in his name adjureth Prudence and Fortitude to the
execution.
The Holy Patriarks had a promise of Canaan, yet held
no possession but with their dead bodies ; Joseph by Heb. 1 1 .
fiiith gave charge concerning his bones : Virginia by so
many rights naturalized English, by first discovery, actuall
possession, chargeable continuation, long prescription,
voluntary subjection, delivery of seisin, naturall inheri-
tance of English there borne, reall sale, legall cession,
regall vassallage; disloyall treason hath now confiscated
whatsoever remainders of right the unnaturall Naturalls
had, and made both them and their Countrey wholly
English, provoking us, if wee bee our owne, not base,
degenerate, unworthy the name of English ; so that wee
229
A.D.
1625.
The Glorie of
God in his
Word and
Workes
advanced by
this
Plantation.
*Cicero.
Jo. 15.
Ps. 19. I.
Ps. 92. 4.
[IV. ix.
1814.]
Ps. 148. 5.
Ps. 16. y
ac. 2.
Ec. I.
The workes of
God, and
varietie there
seen set forth
his ghrie.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
shall not have any thing left (like Davids Embassadors,
which thus abused, brought their Master a just title to
Ammon, purchased by their disgraces) to cover our naked-
nesse, till Virginia cover, reward, inrich us with a totall
subjection at lest, if not a fatall revenge. And thus much
for our right which God hath given us : whose Virginian
tribute is his glory, that hee may indeed be Alpha and
Omega (as hath beene said) of the Virginian Plantation :
which if it hath not satisfied the expectation hitherto, no
doubt that defect hath in great part proceeded from this.
The end of a thing is the beginning, being first in
intention though last in execution : the end which
Christians ought to ayme at is God, Doing all things in
the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, to the glory of God
the Father, by the gracious guide and assistance of the
Holy Ghost. Glory is, * Frequens de aliquo fama cum
laude. And heereby is our Father glorified, sayeth Christ,
if yee bring forth much fruite, and so shall yee be my
Disciples. Loe here the scope of Christians Plantations,
to plant Christianity, to produce and multiply Christians,
by our words and works to further the knowledge of God
in his Word and Workes. The workes of God glorifie
their Creator : The Heavens, saith David, declare the
glory of God, &c. I will triumph in the workes of thy
hands. O Lord, how great are thy workes? and thy
thoughts are very deepe. A bruitish man knoweth not,
neither doth a foole understand this. All creatures are
invited to praise the name of the Lord, for hee hath
commanded and they were created : How much more
should the tongue of man be the Pen of a readie writer,
and as it is called, The glory of the man, so imploy it
selfe in setting forth the glory of God, in his Workes of
Creation, Providence, Redemption.?
God is a Glorious Circle, whose Center is every where,
his circumference no where : himselfe to himselfe is Circle
and Circumference, the Ocean of Entitle, that very ubique,
from whom, to whom (the Centre of unitie) all diversified
lines of varietie issue and returne. And although we
230
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA
A.D.
1625.
Profagation of
the Gospell:
y rewards
thereof.
every where feele his present Deitie, yet the difference
of heavenly climate and influence, causing such discording
concord of dayes, nights, seasons ; such varietie of
meteors, elements, aliments; such noveltie in Beasts,
Fishes, Fowles ; such luxuriant plentie and admirable
raritie of Trees, Shrubs, Hearbs : such fertilitie of soyle,
insinuation of Seas, multiplicitie of Rivers, safetie of
Ports, healthfulnesse of ayre, opportunities of habitation,
materialls for action, objects for contemplation, haps in
present, hopes of future, worlds of varietie in that
diversified world ; doe quicken our mindes to apprehend,
whet our tongues to declare, and fill both with arguments
of divine praise. On the other side considering so good
a Countrey, so bad people, having little of Humanitie
but shape, ignorant of Civilitie, of Arts, of Religion ;
more brutish then the beasts they hunt, more wild and
unmanly then that unmanned wild Countrey, which they
range rather then inhabite ; captivated also to Satans
tyranny in foolish pieties, mad impieties, wicked idlenesse,
busie and bloudy wickednesse : hence have wee fit objects
of zeale and pitie, to deliver from the power of darknesse,
that where it was said, Yee are not my people, they may Ose 2.
bee called the children of the living God : that Justice
may so proceed in rooting out those murtherers, that yet
in judgement (imitating Gods dealing with us) wee may
remember Mercy to such as their owne innocence shall
protect, and Hope shall in Charitie judge capable of
Christian Faith. And let men know that hee which •/«'»• 5- 2°
converteth a sinner from the errour of his way, shall save
a soule from death, and shall hide a multitude of sinnes.
And Saviours shall thus come on Mount Zion to judge Qbad. ult.
the Mount of Esau, and the Kingdome (of Virginia)
shall be Lord. Thus shall wee at once overcome both
Men and Devills, and espouse Virginia to one husband,
presenting her as a chast Virgin to Christ. If the eye
of Adventurers were thus single, how soone and all the
body should be light? But the loving our selves more
then God, hath detained so great blessings from us to
231
2. Cor. 1 1. 2.
Matth. 6. 22.
^° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
I. Tim. ^. 8. Virginia, and from Virginia to us. Godlinesse hath the
promises of this life, and that which is to come. And if
wee be careful! to doe Gods will, he will be ready to doe
ours.
All the rich endowments of Virginia, her Virgin-
portion from the creation nothing lessened, are wages for
all this worke : God in wisedome having enriched the
Savage Countries, that those riches might be attractives
for Christian suters, which there may sowe spirituals and
reape temporals.
Jnsmres to But what are those riches, where we heare of no Gold
Objections:^ nor Silver, and see more impoverished here then thence
want of "goM enriched, and for Mines we heare of none but Iron ? Iron
and Silver mindes ! Iron age of the world ! who gave Gold or Silver
Mines. the Monopoly of wealth, or made them the Almighties
favorites.'' Precious perils, specious punishments, whose
original! is neerest hell, whose house is darknesse, which
have no eye to see the heavens, nor admit heavens eye
(guilty malefactors) to see them ; never produced to light
but by violence, and convinced, upon records written in
bloud, the occasioners of violence in the World ; which
have infected the surface of their native earth with
deformity and sterility (these Mines being fit emblemes
of mindes covetous, stored with want, and ever wanting
their owne store) her bowels with darknesse, damps,
deaths, causing trouble to the neighbour Regions, and
mischiefe to the remotest! Penurious mindes! Is there
no riches but Gold Mines.'' Are Iron Mines neglected,,
rejected for hopes of Silver.? What, and who else is the
Alchymist, and impostor, which turnes the World, and
Men, and all into Iron.'' And how much Iron-workes
in Warres and Massacres hath American Gold and Silver
wrought thorow all Christendome .? Neither speake I
this, as if our hopes were blasted, and growne deplorate
and desperate this way, the Country being so little
searched, and the remote in-land-Mountaines unknowne :
but to shew the sordid tincture and base alloy of these
Mine-mindes. Did not the Spanish Iron (tell me you.
232
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA
that contemne Iron-mines) draw to it the Indian Silver
and Gold? I will not be a Prophet for Spaine from
Virginia. But I cannot forget the wily apophthegme of
the Pilots Boy in the Cacafiiego, a great Ship laden with
treasure taken in the South Sea, by Sir Francis Drake ;
who seeing the English Ordnance command such treasure
from the Spanish Cacafuego ; Our Ship, said he, shall be
called the Cacapkta, and the English may be named the
Cacafuego. I will not be so unmannerly to give you
the homely English ; it is enough that English Iron
brought home the Spanish-Indian Silver and Gold. But
let us consult with the wisest Councellour. Canaan,
Abrahams promise, Israels inheritance, type of heaven,
and joy of the earth ! What were her riches ? were they
not the Grapes of Eshcol, the balme of Gilead, the Cedary
neighbourhood of Libanus, the pastury vale of Jericho,
the dewes of heaven, fertility of soile, temper of climat,
the flowing (not with Golden Sands, but) with Milke
and Hony (necessaries, and pleasures of life, not bottome-
lesse gulfes of lust) the commodious scituation for two
Seas, and other things like (in how many inferiour.'') to
this of Virginia. What golden Country ever nourished
with her naturall store the hundreth part of men, in so
small a proportion of earth, as David there mustered,
being iiooooo. of Israel, and 500000.* of Juda, not
reckoning the Tribes of Levi and Benjamin, all able men
for warres.'' And after him, in a little part of that little
Jehoshaphat (More I dare say then the Spaniards can
finde in one hundred times so much, of their Mine lands,
and choose their best in Peru, New Spaine, and the Hands)
the Scriptures containing an infallible muster-booke of
1 1 60000. able Souldiers in his small territories.''
That then is the richest Land which can feede most
men, Man being a mortall God, the best part of the best
earth, and visible end of the visible World. What
remarkeable Gold or Silver Mines hath France, Belgia,
Lumbardy, or other the richest peeces of Europe.? what
hath Babylonia, Mauritania, or other the best of Asia
233
A.D.
1625.
[IV. ix.
1815.]
*Compare
2. Sam. 24.
luith I . Chroti.
21. // seemes
that there were
above two
millions of men
besides women
and children.
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
and Africke? What this our fertile Mother England?
Aske our late Travellers which saw so much of Spaine,
the most famous part of Europe for Mynes of old, and
inriched with the Mynes of the New World, if an
Englishman needs to envy a Spaniard, or prefer a Spanish
life and happinesse to his owne. Their old Mynes made
them the servants of Rome and Carthage : and what their
Mynes and mindes doe now I leave them to others.
Once, as the Mynes are in barrennest soyle, and covetous
men have least, even when they are had of most money
(mediis ut Tantalus undis) so I have heard that in Spaine
is lesse Gold and Silver, then in other parts of Europe,
(I dare not mention the proportions) from both Spanish
and English relation : their usuall money also (to meddle
with no more) is of base mettall, and their greatest summes
computed by Maravedis lesse then our later tokens:
except which (devised for poorer uses of the poorest)
England of long time knowes no base monyes : and hath
seene plentie of Silver and Gold, of Wine and Oyle which
(grow not in her) when Spaine, which produceth these,
is fed with salads, and drinketh water, helped now and
then with Hogges-kinne unsavoury Wine. The Indian
Fountaines runne with golden and silver streames (sic
vos non vobis) not to themselves, but into that Spanish
Cisterne ; and these Cisternes are like those of the London
Water-house, which hath the Conduit Pipes alway open
in the bottome, so that a thousand other Cisternes hold
more water then it : so may it be said of the other ;
it is not Concha but Canalis, a Pipe rather then Cisterne,
a Cash-keeper rather then Owner ; and (which is spoken
of better things) remaining poore, makes many rich. To
proceed, are not Myners the most miserable of Slaves,
toyled continually, and unto manifold deaths tired for
others, in bringing to light those Treasures of darknesse,
and living (if they live, or if that bee a life) in the suburbs
of Hell, to make others dreame of Heaven.? Yea
Paradise, the modell of heaven, had in it no Minerals,
nor was Adam in his innocency, or Noah after the Worlds
234
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA
recovery, both Lords of all, employed in Mines, but (in
those happy workes which Virginia inviteth England unto)
in Vines, Gardening, and Husbandry. Neither let any man
thinke that I pleade against the sourenesse of the Grapes,
like the Foxe which could not reach them : but I seriously
shew that they are calves and not men, which adore the
golden Calfe, or Nabuchadnezzars great golden statue,
as if the body were not more then raiment, and those
things to be preferred to money, for whose sake mony
(the creature of man ; base Idolatry where the Creator
worships his creature!) was first ordained, and still hath
both use and being.
Doe we not see in this respect, that the Silkes, Calicos,
Drugges, and Spices of the East swallow up (not to
mention the Belgian whirlepoole) all the Mines of the
West? and that one Carricke carrieth more Rials thither,
then perhaps some whole Region in Spaine retaineth for
vulgar use? And whence are English, Portugals, or
Dutchmen fitted for that commerce? as if America had
ominously (for other just reason there is none) beene
called India, as if the West were but drudge and factor
for the East. And what hath dispeopled the New World,
not leaving in some places one of Millions, but Auri
sacra fames, others killing them in the Mines, or they
killing themselves to prevent the Mines? Let it be
riches enough, that Sir Thomas Dale testified by Letters
from thence, and after his returne to me that foure of
the best Kingdomes of Christendome were not for naturall
endowments comparable to Virginia : and which I have
heard of one which hath travelled in all the best Regions
of Europe, and hath seene more of Virginia then perhaps
any man else, and which needes not speake for any gaine
there or thence gotten, as no reputed favourite or favourer
of that Society and their actions ; that he hath seene no
Country to be preferred for soile, nor for commodious
Rivers to be compared.
And if successe hath not beene correspondent to English
hopes : who seeth not the causes of those diseasters ?
235
A.D.
1625.
yirginias high
valuation.
Cap. Joh.
Smith.
Answer to the
objected ill
successes and
causes thereof.
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
Division that taile-headed Amphisbaena and many-
headed monster, deformed issue of that difformed old
Serpent, in some of the Colony there & Company here,
hath from time to time thrust in her forged venonious
tongue, wherby they have swolne with deadly poison
Jud. 5 1 16. of great thoughts of heart (onely by pride doe men make
Prov. 13. 10. contention) with blinde-staring eyes of self-love abounding
in their own sense : whence suspicions, jealousies, factions,
partialities to friends and dependants, wilfuU obstinacies,
and other furious passions have transported men from
Virginias good and their owne. Covetousnesse hath
distorted others to minde earth and not heaven, in hasti-
nesse of more then speedy returne and present gaine,
I. Tim. 6. forgetting that Godlinesse is the best gaine, and that they
are planting a Colony, not reaping a harvest, for a publike
and not (but in subordinate order) private wealth. A
long time Virginia was thought to be much encombered
[IV. ix. with Englands excrements, some vicious persons, as
1 816.] corrupt levin sowring, or as plague sores infecting others,
and that Colony was made a Port Exquiline for such
as by ordure or vomit were by good order and physicke
worthy to be evacuated from This Body : whence not
only lazie drones did not further the Plantation, but
wicked Waspes with sharking, and the worst, that is
beggerly tyrants, frustrated and supplanted the labours
of others. Caelum non animum mutant qui trans mare
currunt. A prodigious Prodigall here, is not easily meta-
morphosed in a Virginian passage to a thrifty Planter:
nor can there neede wiser choise or more industrious course
in any undertaking, then is requisite in a Christian
Colonies plantation amongst Infidels. Which I suppose
hath beene carefully by many Adventurers practised : and
whatsoever faults happened by ignorance in the beginnings,
neglect of seasons, riot, sloath, occasionall wants of or
in Governours or Government, abuses of Mariners,
trechery of Fugitives, and Savages ; and other diseases,
which have in part attended all new Plantations, and
consumed many : experience I hope by this time
236
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA
hath taught to prevent or remedy. The late barbarous
Massacre (hinc illae kchrymae) still bleedeth, and when
things were reported to be in better forwardnesse then
ever, in great part blasted those hopefuU blossomes,
disjointed the proceedings in the Iron workes, Vineyards,
Mulberry plants ; and in sudden shifts for life, exposed
them to manifold necessities ; insomuch, that many of
the Principals being slain, the rest surprised with feare,
reduced themselves almost from eighty to eight Planta-
tions, whereby pestered with multitude, and destitute of
Corne and other forsaken necessaries, they incurred a
grievous and generall sicknesse, which being increased
by infection of some passengers tainted in their Ship-
passage with corrupt Beere, there followed a mortality
which consumed about five hundred persons, besides three
hundred and fifty or thereabouts murthered in that
Savage-Massacre. All which notwithstanding, there
remaine, some have if truely calculated and conjectured
eighteene hundred persons : for whose security and
provision it hath pleased his Majesty to have a Royall
care, as likewise the Honorable Lords of his Majesties
privy Councell, besides the honorable endevours of the
Councell and well affected members of that Society, which
God almighty, the great Founder of Colonies, prosper.
Now that I may shew Virginia worthy those princely,
honorable and industrious thoughts, I have adventured
briefely to point out, rather then to paint out her beauty
and attractive ornaments.
First Religion (as is before observed) inviteth us there
to seeke the Kingdome of God first, and all other things
shall be ministred to us, and added as advantage to the
bargaine : seeke the Kingdome of God, and see an earthly
Kingdome in recompence, as the earnest, and the heavenly
Kingdome for our full paiment. Of glorifying God in
his word and workes in this designe is already spoken.
Secondly, Humanity and our common Nature forbids
to turne our eyes from ovir owne flesh ; yea commands
us to love our neighbours as our selves, and to play the
237
A.D.
1625.
The massacre
hath been the
chiefe cause of
later
miscarying.
This number
of 1800. was
presented by
the Companie
to the Lords of
the Councell.
Arguments for
Vir^nian
plantation, as
being
honorable.
I. Religion.
2. Humanitie.
A.D.
1625.
'i-Honorofthe
English
Nation.
4. Honour of
the King.
'^. Honor of the
Kingdome.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
good Samaritan with these our neighbours (though of
another Nation and Religion, as the wounded Jew was
to him) to recover them if it be possible, as by Religion,
from the power of Sathan to God ; so by humanity and
civility from Barbarisme and Savagenesse to good manners
and humaine polity.
Thirdly, the Honour of our Nation enjoyneth us not
basely to loose the glory of our forefathers acts, which
here have beene shewed in King Henry the seventh, King
Henry the eight. King Edward the sixt, and Queene
Elizabeths times, all which illustrated their names by
Discovery of Realmes remote, unknowne parts and ports
(and the first, first of all Kings, and the last holding to
the last) Discovering and possessing these, and leaving
them as just inheritance to his Majesty. What shame
to a degenerate posterity, to loose so honorable a claime,
and gaine ; yea, to neglect that which many English
have purchased with doing and suffering so much, and
not with their sweate alone, their care and cost, but with
their deerest bloud and manifold deaths.''
Fourthly, wee may reckon the Honour of our King,
and his Royall posterity : to which, in time Virginia may
performe as much with equall manuring as ever Britannia
and Ireland could promise when first they became knowne
to the then civiller World. And were not comparisons
odious! I am sure I heard Sir Thomas Dale confidently
and seriously exulting in private conference with me, in
the hopes of future greatnesse from Virginia, to the
English Crowne. And if the wise King wisely said, the
honour of a King is in the multitude of his Subjects, loe
here the way to preserve, employ, encrease them ; and
for his Majesty to reach his long royall armes to another
World. The Roman Empire sowed Roman Colonies
thorow the World, as the most naturall and artificial!
way to win and hold the World Romaine.
Fifthly, the honour of the Kingdome, thus growing
and multiplying into Kingdomes, that as Scotland and
England seeme sisters, so Virginia, New England, New
238
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
found Land in the Continent already planted in part with
English Colonies, together with Bermuda, and other Hands
may be the adopted and legall Daughters of England.
An honorable desijgne, to which Honor stretcheth her
feire hand, the five fingers whereof are adorned with such
precious Rings, each enriched with invaluable Jewels of
Religion, Humanity, Inheritance, the King, the King-
dome : Honos alit artes, omnesque incenduntur ad studia
gloria.
And if Honour hath prevailed with honorable and [IV. ix.
higher spirits, we shall come laden with arguments of ^^^7-]
profit to presse meaner hands and hearts to the service gfprofi"'"^"
of Virginia. Onely I desire that men bring their hearts generally
first, and consider that the very names of a Colony and propounded.
Plantation doe import a reasonable and seasonable culture,
and planting before a Harvest and Vintage can be
expected : which if they here exercise our Faith and Hope
both for earth and heaven, where all things are prepared ;
let us not in ruder and cruder foundations and beginnings
there, precipitate unto hasty fals.
And before we come to Virginias particular probabilities Illustrated by
for this Kingdomes good, we need not far fetched specu- '^' Castiltan
lations, we have evidence from experience. Castile (a
Kingdome which now stoops to none, and which some
of her flatterers advance above all, making it Catholike
without respect to Faith) grew from an almost nothing
out of the Moorish deluge, to be but a pettie something
in comparison of others in Europe, till Ferdinands time
who sent Columbus to America. And how poore abilities
or probabilities had they for it, when Columbus upon Upon lesse
felse grounds having conceived strong, strange hopes of probabilities.
the Easterne Indies, stumbled upon a W^esterne World
whereof hee never dreamed, which therefore he called
India, and Hispaniola Ophir : to which Expedition
(neither founded on sound reason, nor experience of
former Discoveries, when as yet the Mariners Art was
but crept out of the Cradle, and blessed only in the
Event) the state of Castile was as poorely furnished as
239
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
it seemes, eyther with money or credit, the Queene
pawning part of her Jewels for 2000. Duckets, to set
Columbus forth with three poore Carvels for this Dis-
covery. Little was it then imagined, that in Hispaniola
should be found (which happened in the taking of
Domingo by Sir Francis Drake) a Spanish Scutchion with
a Horse, whose hinder feet trod on the Globe, his fore-feet
prauncing as if he would foot out another World (like
Alexander hearing Philosophers discourse of other Worlds,
weeping that hee had not yet finished the conquest of
this) having this Motto annexed, Non sufficit Orbis.
Yea, but they found Gold and Silver in abundance? the
See Oviedo k3 Pockes they did ! and plagued all Europe with the great
"^ 'l"^^ ones, with the small consuming America: and if they
did find Gold and Silver, how poore were the proportions
till the Mexican Discovery almost thirty yeeres, and that
of Peru forty yeeres after their Indian plantation. And
who knowes what Virginia in that space may produce by
better Discovery of it, and further Discovery of parts
adjoyning, whereof we have ten thousand times more
pregnant hopes, then they had in their first Expedition,
by knowledge gathered from their Discoveries.
Besides, though Gold and Silver from thence hath
enriched the Spanish Exchequer, yet the Magazines have
Their greatest found Other and greater wealth, whereof Virginia is no
benefit tn j^ggg capeable, namely, the Countrey Commodities. What
'm in Mines Mynes have they, or at least, what doe they use in Brasill,
to the com- ' or in all the Hands, where yet so many wealthy Spaniards
mon subject. and Portugalls inhabit ? Their Ginger, Sugar, Hides,
Tobacco and other Merchandize, I dare boldly affirme,
yeeld far far more profit to the generalitie of the Spanish
Subjects thorow that vast World, then the Mynes do or
have done this last Age. Which I shall make apparant
by honourable testimonie, in one of the last English
Exploits on the Spanish Indies. The Right Honorable
Earle of Cumberland in a Letter of his after the taking
of Port Rico, (chiefe Towne if not the greatest Hand in
those parts, and far short of Hispaniola and Cuba)
240
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
affirmeth, that if hee would have left the place, hee might
have had by good account as much Sugar and Ginger in
the Countrey, as was worth 500000. pounds.' But he
intended to keepe it, as the Key of the Indies, which TheEarkhad
who soever possesseth (I use his owne words) may at his P'"'P°''^^ ">
pleasure goe to any Chamber in the House, and see how Sarkk'i with
they sleepe before hee be either stopped or descried : so a Garrison to
as they must at every doore keepe so great a force to ^oU it, but a
guard them, as will consume a great part of their yeerely g^^f '"^^if^e
n J J •.. r 1 ,. 1 -j-i. \ and mortahtte
Revenue ; and send it rrom place to place with so great ^^^j^^^w
a wastage, as will cause them to curse their new Porter : most of his
for when they have done what they can, they shall beare men, he was
his charge to their owne destructions, and still be loosing fi^"^ '" 1'"^'
places both of strength and wealth. Thus that valorous 'i^^i^fU'JJ'^i;
and renowmed Earle, whose bloud ennobled his attempts, ^^j^j.
whose attempts added glory to his bloud, and noblenesse I findethisin
to his Nobilitie : which I rather recite that you might "^ written
see the great wealth which the Spaniards reape of Ginger f^"^^l.(°
and Sugar, to which that of Hides in that Hand holds shipping'
such proportion, that one inhabitant thereof named Cities, Men,
Cherigo, had no fewer then twelve thousand Beeves : ^<:- ofSpaine,
where Beeves growing wild, it was tolerable to any Ilander ^'^*'^,
to kill a beast, if hee returned the skinne to the Owner : 3^/j„„^^ i„
and what he speakes of a Key and a Porters advantage, thatindustri-
Mutato nomine de te, change the name, and if Virginia ous Gentleman
and Summer Hands fall short some wayes, they will, more ^- ^-
then equall it other wayes, in Case ! But I must containe Q^'^fi^^ ^y
my selfe, lest I purchase a Purchas Case for medling. the Navie.
Now if any shall thinke that the many transplantations
of people into those parts, would exhaust England, Spaine
will answere that point also, now in these dayes com-
playning no more of scarcitie of people (notwithstanding
their many and long Warres in so many parts of Europe,
except the expulsion of the Moores and Marans, have
caused it) then when first they undertooke those con-
suming vast Enterprizes, not of a Virginia, but of a
World. And yet what in comparison is Spaine for
multitudes of people, whose vastnesse is said to yeeld
XIX 241 Q
A.D.
1625.
[IV. ix.
1818.]
Arg. J. from
necesslAe by
our multitudes.
Arguments of
particular
comodities
and commo-
diousnesse.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
(the King, Dukes, Marquesses and Earles only with their
retinue excepted) from eighteene yeeres of age to fiftie,
but 1 125390. men of all sorts, as I have scene in an
Extract of the Royall Muster-booke, which how much
is it exceeded by the numerous excesse of people in this
Hand, straitned in farre lesse roome, and wanting necessary
employments, which almost exacteth a Virginian vent and
adventure. For how much more convenient is a trans-
migration, into a fruitfuU, large and wholesome Region,
where the Countrie hath need of a Colonie to cultivate
it, as well as those Coloni and Inhabitants have need of
a Countrie to inhabit rather then to breed a fiilnes in
This Bodie, which without some such evacuation either
breeds matter for the pestilence and other Epidemicall
Diseases, or at least for Dearth, Famine, Disorders, over-
burthening the wealthier, oppressing the poorer, disquiet-
ing both themselves and others, that I mention not the
fatall hand of the Hangman.'' And thus you have
Virginias hopes in generall propounded by Spanish example
urged and enforced by our necessitie of seeking vent to
such home-fiilnesse.
But looke upon Virginia ; view her lovely lookes
(howsoever like a modest Virgin she is now vailed with
wild Coverts and shadie Woods, expecting rather ravish-
ment then Mariage from her Native Savages) survay her
Heavens, Elements, Situation ; her divisions by armes
of Bayes and Rivers into so goodly and well proportioned
limmes and members; her Virgin portion nothing
empaired, nay not yet improoved, in Natures best
Legacies ; the neighbouring Regions and Seas so com-
modious and obsequious ; her opportunities for offence
and defence ; and in all these you shall see, that she is
worth the wooing and loves of the best Husband. First,
for her Heavens and Climate, she with her Virgin Sisters
hath the same (being extended from 30. to 45. degrees
of North latitude) with the best parts of Europe, namely
the fat of Graecia, Thracia, Spaine, Italie, Morea, Sicilia,
(and if we will looke more Northward to the height of
242
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
France and Britaine, there her Sisters New England, New
Scotland, and New-found-land, promise hopefull and kinde
entertainment to all Adventurers. If you looke South- i- The same
wards, you may parallel it with Barbarie, Egypt, and f^'^^oJ^tj
the fertilest parts of Africke) and in Asia, all that " °""
Chuersonessus, sometime the seate of foure thousand
Cities, and so many Kingdomes, now called Natolia, with
her Neighbours Antiochia, and other Regions of Syria,
Damascus, Libanus, with Babylonia and the glorie of the
Earth : and Types of Heaven, Judea and Paradise ; the
Silken Countries also of Persia, China in her best parts,
and Japan, are in the elevation ; and Virginia is Daughter
of the same Heavens, which promise no lesse portion
to this Virgin, then those Matrons had for the foundation-
stock of their wealth and glory.
Secondly, this Climate as it promiseth wealth, so it ^■ Temperate.
doth health also, enjoying the temper of the most
temperate parts, even of that in which Adam, Abraham,
with the Prophets and Apostles were bred in, and received
as an Earthly priviledge ; and in which Christ conversed
in the flesh. And thirdly for extension, if covetousnesse 3. Large
gape wide, ten Judaeas, and a hundred Paradises, may extension.
be equalled for quantitie in Virginia, whose mid-land
Regions are wholly unknowne, till we arrive at that Nova
Albion, which yeelded it selfe English before the first
Virginian plantation.
Fourthly for commodious divisions, the Lands and Seas 4. Commodi-
contend by fresh Rivers and Armes of the Sea so to <"" 'ii^"ion of
diversifie the soyle as if in luxuriant wantonnesse they ^f
were alway engendring manifold Twinnes of Commoditie
and Commodiousnesse, Profit and Pleasure, Hunting and
Fishing, Fruits and Merchandizing, Marinership and
Husbandry, Opus and Usus, Meate and Drinke, Wares
and Portage, Defending and Offending, Getting and
Keeping, Mountaines and Valleyes, Plaines and Hillocks,
Rivers Navigable and shallower Foords, Hands and Land-
iles (or Peninsulae) Woods and Marishes, Vegetatives and
living creatures marvellously diversified. Looke on the
243
A°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
Map, and tell me if any Countrey in the World promiseth
more by the lookes then it. Yea I have observed in the
Letters of greatest Malcontents from thence, foe and friend
and themselves are blamed rather then the Countrey, the
least finger of Virginias hand (I meane the least of five
Rivers, or as Master Alexander Whitakers relateth, the
least of seven) in a small part of that great Countrie, is
bigger then the First-borne of Britaines waters, the famous
Thames, all Navigable, some one hundred miles, some
one hundred and sixtie, receiving Tributes by the way
of innumerable Springs, Brookes, Riverets (such as that
of Ware, and fit for portage of Wares in smaller Barkes,
of which kind James River hath five Attendants in
ordinary) the fall of every one of the five is within twentie
or fifteene miles of some other : and not above fifteene
miles in some places is the Great River of Roanoke said
to be distant from some of those which fall into James
River, yeelding a commodious intercourse twixt those
Southerly and these more Northerly parts of the Countrey.
I know not how Nature hath here also wantonized and
danced a Loath to depart in the winding of those Streames,
which seeme willingly againe and againe to embrace that
beloved Soile, and to present her with rich CoUers of
silver Esses, murmuring that they must leave so fresh and
fertile a Land, of which at last with Salt teares they take
their leave, but contracting with their New Sea Lord to
visit their old Land-lord and former Love every Floud.
Meane whiles those many impetuous clippings and sweet
embraces, searching refuges every way make shew as if
they would meet together in consultation, and agree on
some Conspiracie, which howsoever disappointed, yeeld
neverthelesse many conveniences of entercourse and easier
portage, each River comming within foure, eight, ten
miles, more or fewer in divers places of another. AH
[IV. ix. these Rivers runne into a faire Bay, on which the Earth
18 19.] every way is a greedie gazing Spectator, except where
ch i ^^^ Ocean rusheth in to ravish her beauties, flowing neere
two hundred miles into it, and forcing a Channell one
244
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
hundred and fortie, of depth betwixt seven and fifteene
fathome, and ten or fourteene miles in ordinary breadth.
The Earth yet undermining it by Hands, and mustering
those River Captaines and innumerable Springs and
Brookes, maintaineth his fresh challenge with continuall
Warres, forcing backe the Ocean every Ebbe to retire,
which yet loth to lose so sweete a possession returneth
within few houres, freshly flowing with Salt reenforce-
ments.
Fifthly, the soile is blessed, every Element bestowing i.FertiUsoik
a rich portion on her. The fire hath treasures laid up
to maintaine her fewell unto prodigality (yea which
seldome meete, a thriftie prodigality) for many yeeres.
Her store of waters you have heard, but not her watery
store of fishes unto incredibility in kinds, goodnesse,
numbers. The Aire is no lesse luxuriant in the Fowles
of Heaven. But the Earth (fruitfiiU Mother of Man-
kind) she is prodigiously prodigall, in fatnesse of the
soile; talnesse, sweetnesse, strength, varietie, number-
lesse numbers of her Trees : her Oakes no lesse excellent 6. Trees fir
then frequent, many of them bearing two foote and an ''"»^er and
halfe square of good Timber twenty yards long : of which ^^^"1 "'"
also are divers kinds. Elmes and Ashes (of which
Sope-ashes are made) Wal-nuts in three sorts. Cypresses
(or much resembling them) Cedars and other sweet
smelling Timbers, Chestnuts, Plummes of divers sorts, -
Cheries and other Trees, &c. reckoned by Virginian
Relators, I omit. But most remarkable and promising
are the Mulberie and the Vine, the one to the backe, the
other to the belly, yeelding Silkes and Wine.
As for Silke, how great profits are raised thereof to j -Specially for
the Chinois and Persian } Yea to come neerer, in Naples
and other parts of Italy, which have provoked France
to a generall imitation. And how unvaluable are the
expenses of this Kingdome for that materiall, Ut matronae
in publico luceant-i" Likewise for Wines from France, 'i- And fir
Spaine, Germanic, and other parts how many thousands ^^""■
are yeerely expended to the profits of Strangers, that I
245
A.D.
1625.
July 9. A.R,
20.
See sup. f. 15,
<). Just advan-
tage from the
Savages to
make use of
their labours,
10. Drugs,
and divers
other
commodities.
1 1 . Iron
mines.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
say not to enemies, or at least to suspected friends? It
hath pleased his Majestie to take these two into his
Princely consideration and by his Letter to the Right
Honorable the Earle of Southampton, and the Company
of Virginia to commend and command this care to them.
The Countrey it selfe naturally produceth Vines in
great abundance, and some of a very good sort : divers
plants also have beene sent thither of the better kinds
of Christendome, with eight Vignerons procured from
Languedock for the husbanding of that commoditie. The
Soyle is no lesse naturally happy in Mulberie Trees of
the best kind and some Silke-wormes also : and generall
order hath beene taken for the abundant planting of them
in all places inhabited : large supply also of Silke-worme-
seed from his Majesties store, and men skilfiill in that
kind for the well ordering of that businesse have beene
sent. In a word, the very prosperity and pregnant hopes
of that Plantation made the Devil and his lims to envy,
feare and hate it. Hence that bloudy Massacre which
caused almost a sudden Chaos to the hinderance of those
affaires, by the convulsions, combustions, and almost
confusion of that Body and their Designes : whereof
yet we hope not only a recovery but greater advantage,
the greatest danger from the Savages, growing out of
our mens confidence, which that terrible stroke (except
a stupid Devill possesse us) hath cut off ; which likewise
requires that servile natures be servily used ; that future
dangers be prevented by the extirpation of the more
dangerous, and commodities also raised out of the servile-
nesse and serviceablenesse of the rest.
As for Sassafras, Salt, Terra Lemnia, Gummes and other
profitable Drugges I shall not neede speake : nor of their
Silke-grasse naturally growing, besides a kind of Hempe
or Flaxe, yeelding most excellent Cordage. Pot-ashes,
Sope-ashes, Pitch and Tarre have beene the employment
of Polacres sent thither.
In foure yeeres space before the Massacre (the Iron
Oare of Virginia being found very good and very
246
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
plentiful!) above five thousand pounds were spent, and
one hundred and fiftie persons sent for that imployment ;
which being brought in manner to perfection, was
interrupted by that fatall accident, since which the
restitution is with all possible diligence (as it is said)
ordered and furthered.
There have beene also sent skilfiill men from Germany, 12. Timber
for setting up of Saw-mils : Virginia yeelding to no place fir "11 uses.
in the knowne World for Timbers of all sorts, commodious
for strength, pleasant for sweetnesse, specious for colours,
spacious for largenesse, usefiill for Land and Sea, for
housing and shipping : in which Timber uses England
and Holland alone are said to disburse about 300000.
pounds sterling yeerely. And the defects at home, where
the Hearth hath climbed into the Roofe, where back-fewell
hath devoured our buildings in the Woods, and belly-
fewell hath devoured the Woods, and converted them to
arable : where so many ships are employed for provisions
of and for shipping, Virginia by divine bountie is Magnae
spes altera Britanniae. Herein we may verifie the old
Proverbe, That he which liveth longest, shall fetch his
wood farthest ; but so, as he shall be paid for the fetching
with great advantage.
And if an Hand needs woodden Wals to secure it i^-More
against others, to enrich it from others, Virginia offers "ij"-?^ ■ ■'I'l
her service herein, and will looke so much more cheerefully hmses^ ships.
on you, how much more you shall disburthen her in this [iv. ix.
kind: yea, as England hath wooed and visited Virginia, 1820.]
so herein Virginia will be glad and rejoyce to visit
England, in her there-built ships, and to dwell here with
us in thence-brought Timbers, and esteeme her selfe
advanced to adorne our Towres, and take view of our
Pomps and Spectacles.
And touching shipping and the materials thereof; '^^■The
Timbers, Pitch, Tarre, Cordage, Sayles, Anchors, &c. l^^-f'l^n, j-^^
necessitie of the times exacteth in our defects at home, Effing.
for securitie from enemies abroad, employment of
Mariners, Merchants and our numerous multitudes,
247
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
offending our Offenders, defending our Allies, that I
adde not the Riches of the World, and glory of Exploits,
all which depend on Navigation. Hence Tyrus and her
Daughter Carthage of old (Matre pulchra filia pulchrior)
hence the Egyptian Alexandria and many Nations since,
have reaped wealth and honour. Hence the Lumbards
and Easterlings sucked out the sweetes of this Kingdome
in former times, whiles we like children were fed by their
hands, and they were inriched by the Importation and
Exportation of Merchandise to and from us : which when
that glorious Elizabeth altered, and sought to stand in the
Seas on her owne legs, and to flie over them with her
owne wings, it not only wanne her renowne but dread
abroad, and such strength at home, that notwithstanding
her manifold wars offensive and defensive, and motherly
protection of her Neighbours round about with Men and
Monies ; her Custome, her Navie, and the wealth of her
people is thought to have received in her time a seven-fold
advancement. And what hath so long upholden and
enhanced the Hanse Townes.'' What hath raysed the
rich and glorious States of Venice and Genoa.'' What
hath since freed, and doth still sustaine the Hollanders,
but their moving Magazines and Castles, their strength,
and magnificence being (by a Miracle in State) hereby
most, wherein it is least, in their Sea-forrests ; Nature
denying that to their Soyle, which Art hath super-
abundantly supplied by shipping, to their Lands, to their-
Seas, for use, for admiration.'' Hence hath the Abassine
or Prester John lost his estate, the Turke not encreased
his by swallowing the rest of Christendome, the Persian,
the MoguU and other mighty Asian Potentates have not
bin mighty, howsoever sirnamed Great ; have beene so
long awed, and as it were, imprisoned within their owne
shores, there also often braved, assaulted, forced to receive
Lawes and conditions, yea to pay Customes for their owne
ships, and prohibited Trade with others by a handfull of
Portugalls. Hence the Portugals themselves crept out
of their Straites and obscuritie, and hence the Castilian.
248
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
colours have been so far displayed, and set the rest of the
World in this present Maze : Hence our Edgar, Edward
the Third, and Great Elizabeth, have left such memories
of them, after them ; hence all Maritime States and Kings
have received encrease or diminishing ; as their Navies
have beene, so have they. Yea, without a Navie, Salomon
had not beene so meet a Type of Christ, so glorious in
Domesticall, Politicall or Ecclesiasticall magnificence.
Haile then, al-haile Virginia, hope of our decayed i^. Saving of
Forrests, Nursery of our Timbers, second supply to our ^^P^^'" "'"*'
shipping, the succenturiatae copiae in distresse of Navall jJnn'bi"
materials : and those independant on forreine States, firreine
disburthened of Taxes, Customes, Impositions, and Countries.
Suspensions of forreine Princes : yea gainfull not in the ' ^- l^p^-
ships alone, but in Shipmen and Mariners trained up and f^"V"
multiplyed by that imployment, with mutuall entercourse of Mariners.
of Wares and manifold Commodities. Hee that lookes i-].Manypro-
on the best Corne-fields soone after the sowing, seeth babilities by
expense and labour without any profit but in expectation. ^'''""P^^"'"-
Now is our Seed-time ; and if cost and industry want ^.^^^^^ y^ '
not, Virginia, in her Soyle and Climate not only promiseth exemplified by
these materials, there also to be made at easier rates ; but Spaniards.
infinite other Commodities also which may be transplanted
fi-om these and other parts, as the Spaniards in their Indies,
have given us example. These have reserved Wines and
Oyle, as Staple Commodities to be carried from Spaine
(that these Americans may still have need of Spanish
Commodities) which else would easily grow there. They
have againe furnished those parts both from Spaine and
many other Countries, with Figs, Oranges, Limons, and
fruits for present use and for Merchandize, with Sugar-
canes, Gingers, Cattell and other Commodities, yeelding
exceeding summes of Treasure to the Planters. And I ig. The
know not but in a settled Virginian Plantation, Sugars, Counirie,
Gingers, Hides, &c. may there proove as gainfull, as they '^'^^^ ^
have in the Spanish Indies, that is, beyond all conceit of ^'f'"" """'"h
1- J J iv;r /"'' "■'^ tnere
ordmarie valuation, and as good as many Mynes. ^^^ Merchan-
Now for the Cattell and Fowles, I might here present disc here.
249
A.D.
1625,
*C<7/. Smith
tels of 1000.
Bassses at a
draught: M.
Rolfeof
5000. the
least of two
foot long, 300.
as big as Cod,
by Sir T.Dale.
[IV. ix.
1821.]
19. Benefits
by fishing.
D. D. Brit.
Monarchic.
Et qua non
prosunt
singula, multie
juvant.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
their Deere of all sorts, reported to have three or foure
Fawnes at a time, and none under two (which some impute
to the qualitie of that Countrey, having happened like-
wise to the Goats transported from hence) and were it
not for this increase, eyther they must faile, or the Natives
(these sparing neither old nor young, nor old with young,
nor observing any rule of Season or Reason therein) I
might adde Shag-haired Oxen-seene by Sir Samuell Argoll,
Beavers, Otters, Foxes, Wilde and Civet Cats, Muske
Rats, and many Beasts which beare good Furres ; their
large Turkeyes, Cranes, Herons, Partridges, and in-
numerable other Fowles : fish also of innumerable
numbers and manifold kinds. Sturgeon, Porpose, Base,
Rock-fish, Carpe, Shad, and the rest. It seemeth to
us incredible, which is related of the both numbers *
and excellencie at one draught taken. As for the varietie
of Corne, the excellencie also and multiplication to 1500.
or 2000. for one stalke of Maiz, the usefialnesse, their
succeeding-exceeding Harvests, their Roots, Herbs,
Pulse, and the rest, I referre to all the Writers in that
Argument, and to as many as have beene Eye-witnesses
themselves to be Relaters.
Were it but a fishing trade, yet his understanding is
contemptible, that thinkes contemptibly of it. He that
should reade Doctor Dees relations of so many hundred
Busses, and Flemmish saile on the English, and Spanish,
on the Irish coasts : or what Master Gentleman hath
related of the Commodities raised that way by the
Holanders, summed to millions of pounds in Herring,
Cod and Ling : and that which others relate of 3 600. saile
of Fishermen in Holand and Zeland, with other things
of like nature gathered together by Captaine Smith in
his New Englands Trials, with the experiments of that
coast also part of our Virginian subject shall see, as
greatest bodies composed of least parts, so greatest summes
raised out of least and meanest meanes, that being dundant
in tale, which seemeth wanting in weight. Once, the
impregnable wals of the united Provinces are their Ships
250
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
(whereof some reckon small and great of all sorts 20000,)
and their principall and most generall Trade is Fishing,
which is the Seminary of their Mariners of which some
have reckoned above 1 00000. and summed their returnes
thence growing to 7000000. pounds in a yeare. I am
none of Neptunes Secretaries; yet know this, that there
is no fishing to the Sea, and no Country so strong by Sea as
that which findeth most employment in this kinde, where
no exportation of treasure, no custome, no consumption
and exhausting of commodities can be quareUed. Thus
then, whether we consider Wines, Silkes, and other the
appurtenances of our pleasures, as Dies, Drugges,
Gummes, Sugars, Ginger, Furres, and the like, which
cost this Kingdome yearely some hundreths of thousands
of our pounds : or whether wee reckon those more staple
and necessary commodities for Shipping, and all sorts of
Timber, Cordage, and other like, no lesse costly, Virginia
inviteth our hopes, and covenanteth to bestow them on
the industrious : so that we shall save those treasures and
costs that way expended, shall lesse depend on other
Nations, lesse feare imbarguing, detention, imposts ; yea, ^o. Tobacco.
shall from other Nations raise by returne of our excesse A Books
in these kindes great Summes, besides the furnishing presented to
of the Kingdome with greater encrease of Shipping, f^^asT/"'
Marriners, and innumerable employments, and the Bennet. It is
securing and enriching the Ports, both of Ireland and said that some
England. As for Tobacco I have said little of it, because maliciously
it is so generally knowne (which yet is said to be worth Mherallthetr
to Spaine 1 00000. pounds yearely; and that (I grieve to ^l yi°.J^-°
speak it) from the rume-fome-froth-spirits of England) & and Ber-
the abundance brought from Virginia and Summer Hands mudas, and
(inopes nos cepia fecit) exceedeth the Market : and because '^^ gpodfrom
to many by immoderate use thereof are corrupted here at 'gf""jj/"
home, and the present benefit thereby accrewing in quicke g,owtA.
returne, hindreth designes of better consequence there. 2 1 . Hopes of
And thus much of Virginias present or very probable A'"''^ Trade
Commodities: to which we may adde the hopes in future -^g'^J/'^^ii^
times by finding there as good vent for our Wools and commodities.
251
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
Clothes, both to the English and civilized Indian, as the
Spaniards doe in their Indies by their Wines and Oyle,
of which I have already said that they permit not the
generall growth in their Indian plantations for the continu-
ance and necessitie of commerce with Spaine. And who
seeth not the exceeding benefit which may arise by
compleat commerce, in venting our owne superfluities
of Men ; of others, and specially the principall of English
Commodities, Cloth and Wooll, with the Gospel of our
Lord Jesus ; and returning from thence, Clapboord, Pipe-
staves, Caviare, Oade, Madder, Salt, Cordage, Pitch,
Tarre, Sope-ashes, Pot-ashes, Cotton-wools, Gaules,
Furres, Hops, Hides, Gummes, Dyes, Gingers, Sugars,
Silkes, Wines, Iron, Timbers, Fish, Ships, Mariners,
Merchants, and a World of the Worlds most useful good
things thorow an open Sea, obnoxious to no forreine
Potentate, from and to known and secure Ports and
Harbours ?
22. Manifold It is also not only usefuU at all times, but necessary
necessities of to these times, as to transport superfluous numbers from
hence to Virginia, so to cure the diseases of the times
caused by the wants of Monies (the life of trading, and
sinewes of a great State) attended with wants of sale for
the Merchant, and consequently of Clothiers and other
subordinate professions ; want of worke for Spinsters,
Weavers, and innumerable poorer Trades and Handi-
craftsmen ; want of trading for Citizens (neither hath such
a generall breaking beene ever knowne,) so many shops
in the principall limmes and streets of this Citie, yea, in
Cheapside the faire face, yea, in the eye of that beauteous
face, the Gold-Smiths Row (where besides so many
shoppes converted to other Trades, I have told this last
Winter betwixt Friday-street and Bread-street the third
part shut up) want of employment for decayed Gentlemen,
both the elder Unthrifts and younger Gallants ; which
want of moneyes and store of wants thence issuing, is in
greatest part caused by the Merchandizes sought and
bought in other Countries, whereby our Moneyes fall into-
252
these times.
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
forraine Whirle-pooles without hopes of recovery ;
whereas if our Trade lay (as we see the Spanish) with
our owne Colonies and Plantations else-where, wee should
hold them still current in our owne Nation, and draw
others to bring to us both Wares and Moneyes from
other Regions for the Commodities aforesaid. And thus
should the Vices of the Times be remedied, and the vices
of men or vicious ijien finde from Tobacco, Silkes, Wines
and other excesses (like the sting of Scorpions from the
Oyle of Scorpions) a cure thence, whence they received
their wounds ; and so many ruptures should eyther be
prevented or healed ; provisions also procured for employ-
ment of honest and humble povertie at home, and the
inordinate spirits of others tamed by the Sea, and trained
at labour to better Discipline.
I adde fiarther, that the prosecution of the Virginian [IV. ix.
Plantation, is both profitable and necessary for the 1822.]
strengthning of the Plantations already begun in Summer ^/^^ stren7h'r
Hands, New England, and New found Land, and that i„g other
other expected in New Scotland. Plantations.
Now if we adde the hopefiall passage to the South Sea, H- Probabili-
that one argument is more then all the rest, if our eyes ''" ^ " °"''.
shall once be blessed with that desired sight. For the „,a„ie manU
trade of the whole world is then made compendious, all commodities
the rich trades of the East Indies are obvious and neerer thereby.
hand, and no force is able to scoure so large a Coast as
that Westerne shoare of all America, and secure it from
our trading. Hence, if we finde not golden Countries
before not possessed by other Christians (whereof also
Sir Francis Drakes Nova Albion so long since subjected
by voluntary surrender to the English Crowne, hath given
us hope) yet trade will bring the Mines of the West into
our ships, and the Spices and other rich Merchandize of
the East into our shops at easier charge, and therefore 25. Necessitie
saleable at easier rates. of maintaining
But this Designe of the South Sea may seeme desperate, ^fff"'^" '»
and the Argument ridiculous. I shall therefore indevour '^fj^^JjZ'"
to give better light therein, and withall to adde another others.
253
^■^- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
Argument as weightie as it, and greater then all ex-
ceptions.
I may adde also the case of Warre, which I desire not ;
but which may happen, and Bellona may even now seeme
pregnant and alreadie conceived, whose abortion might be
wished, if necessitie adde not honour to the lawfulnesse.
I but propound a case possible. The most certaine,
honorable, and beauteous front of Peace, hath a backe
part of Warre, and therefore in securest Peace, Prudence
is not so secure, but she armeth herselfe against feares of
War, forewarning and forearming men by the Sword
drawne to prevent the drawing of Swords, and eyther
eschewes it, or reaps good out of it.
South Sea why It is not unknowne what expenses England hath
so called. sustained in, and ever since Sir Sebastian Cabots first
Discoverie, as in those of Sir Hugh Willoughby, Bur-
rough, Pet and Jackman by the North-east, of Hudson,
Poole, Fotherby, and divers other Navigations by the
North ; of Sir Martine Frobusher, Captaine Davies, Sir
Thomas Button, Master Knight, Hudson, Hall, Baffin,
and other manifold Discoveries by the North-west, all
seeking a compendious passage to Cathay, and to the East
Indies. The Reasons which mooved them were far more
hopefiill then that of Columbus, which found notwith-
standing far better and speedier successe. Successe is a
servile Argument, for Sense rather then for Reason, and
in this whole Virginian project, I speake to English
Adventurers, and not to pettie Pedlers, or Virginian
Savages, to such whose eyes are in their heads and not
in their hands : Careat successibus opto, Quisquis ab
eventu facta notanda putet. Yet hath not Successe beene
wholy frustrate, yea both Reason and Sense plead for a
Passage, and Virginias usefulnesse therein.
I will not bring uncertaine testimonies of a Portugall
taken in a Carrike in Queene Elizabeths dayes, and of
another Portugall in Guinie, which affirmed to Sir Martine
Frobusher that hee had past it ; nor of Garcia Loaisa,
which is said by the Coast of New-found-land to have
254
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA ad.
1625.
gone to the Moluccas; nor of Vasco Coronado in his
Letter to the Emperour Charles, and other antiquated
Witnesses of Antiquitie.
I have already in due place produced * Thomas Cowles, *^'^ '"P- ''^
Juan de Fuca, Thomas Dermer, Sir Thomas Button, '^ooi{-%'^'
Master Brigges, besides the constant and generall report oermers
of all the Savages from Florida, to the great River of Letter in this.
Canada. Now for the hopes of Virginia by a South-Sea
Discovery, how neere is England that way to the Trade
of both Indies, that is, of all the remoter World? It
stands midway betwixt us and the most frequented Ports
of the West, which perhaps may shortly come to full age
and sue out her Liverie, how ever hitherto kept in close
Wardship, and debarred the rights of common humanite,
that is, the commerce with other Nations, without dis-
cerning Friend and Foe. Strange jealousie and worthy
of jealous Suspicion! to admit Trade in all European
Ports, not Sivill and Madrid excepted and to prohibit
the same in all the East and West, where it can lesse be
prohibited! there to repute all in nature of Pyrats, and
accordingly to make prize of ships, goods, and men which
shall attempt to sayle that vast Ocean, or offer Trade in
any of those Habitations! But leaving that to con-
sideration of my Betters, in the East both English and
Dutch have maintayned their just Trade by force, which
by unjust force was denied, and have paid themselves
largely for all losses sustayned by the Insultings or Assault-
ings of those Monopolians, with gaine with honour :
that trade being almost denied to those injurious deniers,
their owne reputation and traffique now bleeding, which
would have cut the throates of all others adventures, of
all other adventurers. I neither prophesie, nor exhort
unto the like in the West : Our prudent and potent
Mother Elizabeth wan renowne and wealth in their owne
harbours and Cities at home, and no lesse in the remotest
of their Lands and Seas. Yea, the South Sea by furthest
compasse was neere to her long and just armes, and their
Cacaplata and Saint Anne, with other their richest Ships
255
A-'^ PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
and Ports were ransacked by English Cacafuegos, and the
charges of those warres borne by those enemies which
caused them. Nulla salus bello, pacem te poscimus
omnes. He whose words and workes hath ever beene
Beati pacifici, knowes best when and how to exact his
and the Worlds right, in the World, of which God hath
granted a Monopoly to no man; and (if others can
embrace the whole Globe with dispersed habitations) not
[IV. ix. to suffer his long arme to be shortned, and the strong
'^^^•J armes of his to be pinioned, and forced to accept of a
bounded and limited commerce in a little corner at others
pleasure. Once, in just and even peace, Virginia stands
fit to become Englands Factor in America ; if war should
happen, both it and Bermuda are fit Sentinels and Scouts,
yea fit Searchers and Customers, fit Watch-towers and
Arsenals to maintaine right against all wrong-doers. And
for the South Sea, if a passage be found neere unto
Virginia, as Master Dermer was confident upon relations
(as he writ to me) of a thousand witnesses, wee then see
Virginias lap open, yeelding her Ports and Harbours for
the Easterne treasures to be the neerest way conveied by
the West. Yea if it be more remote, as Chacke and
Fuca relate, yet hath Virginia an usefiall neighbourhood
both for sicke men, weatherbeaten Ships, and provisions
exhaust in long Voyages, to make them fitter for returne.
And if such passage were not at all, yet the Mountaines
of Virginia cannot but send Rivers to that Sea ; so that
as the wealth of Peru is brought to Panama, and thence
by Land convaied to the Ports of this Sea, so may the
wealth of the South Sea, and the Regions of the West
of America be that way passed to English hands. The
like may be said of the Hands of Salomon, the South
unknowne Continent, which aftertimes may discover
(probably as rich as the rest) that I mention not the knowne
Regions of the East already traded. And although the
passage be not yet perfectly knowne, yet may the seasons
and fittest opportunities and provisions for that discovery
be most easie from Virginia: and there, if crossed with
256
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
11625.
:stormes or other disasters, they may finde securest refuge
and refreshing. An if (which God avert) we may not
have the wares of peace, yet the peace of warres (that is,
a fit rendevous and retiring place, where to cheere and
iiearten, to repaire and supply upon all occasions) is there
offered by the advantages of both Seas. For in both,
that vast body must needes be of slow motion, where
the limraes are so disjoynted, and one member unfit to
helpe another by remotenesse. And if it should but force
the adversary to maintaine Garrisons in his Ports on both
sides, to secure them from invasion, and a double Navie
of War in both Seas, the one to secure the Coasts, the
other to secure his Shippes in the South Sea passing from
the Philippinas, or from one Port to another ; and in the
North Sea to wafte his Treasures and Merchandise into
Europe, the wings of that Eagle would be so pulled with
•such costs, that hee could not easily make invasive flight
upon his neighbours in these parts ; yea, both those and
these Dominions would be exposed to the easier invasions
of others. Tam Marte, quam Mercurio, in Peace and
Warre, so useful! may Virginia and Bermuda be to this
Kingdome.
Now if any say Medice cura teipsum, and alleadge
that they themselves are not able to stand against an
enemy: I answere, first, for Bermuda, or Summer Hands,
that little body is all heart, and hath the strength of
Nature and Art conspiring her impregnablenesse. For
the Rockes every way have so fortified the scituation, that
she would laugh at an Armada, at a World of Ships ;
where the straight passage admits not two Ships abreast to
enter, and hath ten Forts with Ordnance to entertaine
them. She feares no ravishment, and as little needes she
famishment, so that unlesse God for our sinnes, or the
Divell by the worst of sinnes, treason, and the worst of
his Sonnes, some Judas, expose her to the Enemy, she
can know no other love or Lord but English. And for
Virginia against the Savages greatest fright, Captaine
5mith maintained himselfe without losse, with gaine with
XIX 257 R
A.D.
1625.
*M. Tiomas
Turner an
English Mer-
chant living
then in Por-
tttgall in name
of an Almaine.
Q. Elizabeths
praises.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
thirty eight men : against others she hath so fit places for
fortification ; so fit meanes and materials to secure her^
as eye-witnesses report, that the worst of enemies to be
feared is English backwardnesse or frowardnesse, like
Sampsons Foxes either drawing backe, or having fire at;
their tongues ends.
Now if Queene Elizabeth of glorious memory, were-
able from England onely to annoy her enemies, so great
and potent, so much and farre : what may we in Gods
name hope of a New England, New found Land, Bermuda,,
and Virginia already planted with English ? When upon,
newes of the fall of that great Northen Starre, the Duke
of Braganzas brother spake of her as the Jesuites had<
slandered ; hold your peace brother, said the Duke him-
selfe (one * then present related this to me) had it not
beene for her Religion (for which wee most honour her,,
for which God did most blesse her) she might justly have
beene ranked with the ancients Romans : England is a
small thing, as the Map sheweth, to Spaine, and yet we
durst not looke out of doores for her and hers. Thus
worthily that worthy man, of the Worthy of women in
her time. Great and glorious Elizabeth ! how didst thou,
contemne the Iberian threates.'' How didst thou invert,,
divert, subvert their attempts.'' How victoriously didst
thou evade their invincible Invasion.? how didst thou
invade the Invaders, at their gates, in their ports .f" how
didst thou meete them in the Atlanticke, pursue them to-
the South, to the Indian Seas, and round about the World }
How did the skie, windes, waves serve to a higher-
providence in thy deliveries, in thy triumphs.'' how often
were the prodigious Carrikes of the East, and prodigall'
Vessels of the West, either staid at home for feare, or
driven to fort-covert by the way, or costly wafted on their
way, or burned in the way, or sunke out of the way, or'
carried quite away to visite the English shoares, and.
adorne the Trophees of great and glorious Elizabeth?
Rouze up your brave spirits English hearts in loyall
subjection to your Royall Soveraign : be ready to offer
258
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
right, feare not to suffer wrong : seeke the good, and
see the goods which Virginia offers. Here could I wilder
my selfe in thickets of arguments, and could Muster more [IV. ix.
motives and more necessarily concluding for Virginias 1824.]
advancement, if that which we desire not be enforced
on us, then I have already numbred in plantation and
commerce : Yea almost all those former arguments are
pressed of necessity, or offer their service voluntarily,
some more, others no lesse serviceable that way, then to
publike peace and traffique, which also are securest when
they neede not feare a Warre.
The honour of Religion defended by the Defender of
the Faith ; of our Nation, King, Kingdome ; the Materials
of Ships, Mariners, Armes, Victuals ; Fishing, Merchan-
dise, and Prize subservient to each Voyage, that one may
supply if the other faile ; in crossed Voyages, a convenient
receptacle for refreshing; fit place of stay in not fitting
and unseasonable seasons : a safe repository for spoiles
gotten in expectation of greater purchase : a redresse to
weatherbeaten and storme-distressed Ships : a refuge to
such as the enemy hath battered and endangered : an
Hospitall for sicke, wounded, and presently unserviceable
Mariners and Souldiers : a storehouse to repaire Timbers,
Tackling, and other provisions, to Ships and Men : a fit
meane (in supplying us from thence with necessaries) to
keepe those Monies in our owne hands, whereby we are
destitute of the principall sinewes of warre, yea perhaps
the enemy armed against us : a schoole and training place
for our youth to endure labour and hardship, and to
prepare them like the Jewes in Nehemiahs time, to use
the Sword with one hand, and instruments of labour in
the other : an exercise to breede Men for longer Voiages :
a backedoore to breake out suddenly on the enemy: an
ambushment, whiles Ships from hence & thence shal at
once be expected, and he which flees the one shall fall into
the other : a redoubling of oxxr forces when they meete :
a safe harbour in Bermuda or in Virginia for a hundred
sailes, or many more, to awaite all opportunities : a place
259
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
likely to yeelde to men of merit entertainment and reward :
a place yeelding opportunity by trade there to weaken our
possible or probable enemies, to whom now wee seeke
for trade, and consequently to weaken them by the want
of our Commodities, and to adde a double strength to
our selves : a place commodious to prevent warre by
diverting it, to divert it by preventing : to subvert the
enemies Plantations by sudden assaults, or force them to
costly Garisons : to evert their Merchandising by trade
suspended, surprized, or defended with chargeable wast-
age : to intervert their intelligence and profits : to invert
the hearts of Malecontents, and those hands which feare
now curbeth and bridleth : to convert to our parts those
which maintaine a fugitive and wilde enmity with them :
to avert the profits of their Mines by other imployments :
and in a word, to make that use of others against them,
which their examples have taught us in acquiring the great
Empires of Mexico and Peru, with other parts of America,
which without the helpe of Indians against Indians,
banding themselves with a contrary faction, such handfiils
had never beene able to have effected : What shall I say
more? If others impotence and importunities force a
War, Virginia and Summer Hands seeme to this English
body as two American hands, eares, feete; two eyes for
defence : two Keyes (as before is said) for ofi^ence : two
Armes to get, encompasse, embrace : two Fists to strike :
the Sword and Dagger ; Ship and Pinnace ; Castle and
Rampire, Canon & Musket, Arsenale and Peere, and
whatsoever God shall please to give to humaine industry,
who gives all things of free grace, but to such to whom
he hath given grace freely to seeke them ; and is alway
a facile and easie giver, but to them onely which love not
their ease and idle pleasure. And although I am no
Secretary of Gods Counsell for the Indies, yet event hath
revealed thus much of his will, that no other Christian
Nation hath yet gotten and maintained possession in those
parts, but the English : to whom therefore wee may
' gather their decreed serviceablenesse in Peace, advantagi-
260
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
ousnesse in Warre, and opportunity for both, to be both
Magazine and Bulwarlce, and ready even by natxirall
scituation to sit on the skirts of whatsoever enemies,
which passe from America to Europe.
Three Spanish witnesses, Acosta, Oviedo, and Herrera, -^costa. I. 3.
have related this, in describing the course of that o*-"l'^"^"
Navigation ; yea, all experience, the Heavens also and Summary y
Elements subscribe to it. For such is the statute of the Gen. hist. 1. 1.
windes, which all Shipping in that Sea must obey : they Hereras.
must goe one way and returne another. To the Indies ^escri.oflnd.
the course from Europe is by the Canaries, and thence '■ '^' '^^
entring the Tropike, they meete with the Brises, which
are perpetuall Easterne windes, or I know not what
impetuosity by the motion of the heavens breathed into
the lower aire betwixt the Tropikes, and pressing all
vapours and exhalations unto that service in one or other
point Easterly : which force the Ships to retxurne neerer The brises and
the American coast there to seeke as it were some alloy '°""', °f.
of that impetuous motion (even as you see Water-men "^'i'""'-
in the Thames rowing against the tide, to covet neere the
shoare where the tide is weakest) and thence passing the
Tropike to seeke Westerly windes, which from twenty
seven to thirty seven doe there usually remaine, as wee
see in Eddies caused by stronger motions. Thus the Eddy windes.
Spanish Ships on the South Sea make one way from
Acapulco to the Philippinas, which is the Tropicke ; and
another without in the height of Japan, to returne. And
thus in the Atlanticke the Ships from their severall ports
come to the Havana in Cuba, and thence must take their
course neere to Virginia and Summer Hands, to finde
the Azores : in which way, from thence it is easie for
English Ships (not far from their owne home or Ports)
to disperse themselves in expectation of a surprisall.
The want of such helpes in Queene Elizabeths glorious
times, enforced our men of Warre still to awaite both for [IV. ix.
the Indian Carrickes, and all American Ships, hovering „. '^^5]
'■ ° Disadvantage
to our Ships of warre by want of some such Plantation as this is and may be: whence many
Voyages were frustrated in part or wholly.
261
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
about the Azores Hands subject to the Spanish Crowne,
where they neither had harbour in stormes, nor could in
any wants refresh themselves with water, victuals, or
other provisions but by force ; where a greater and
stronger Armada of the enemy waited to wafte home their
Ships returning ; where it often hapned that the Ships
could not so soone be descried, but they gat either into
some Port, and under some Fort which secured them ; or
else there ran themselves aground, and saving what they
could with their persons, fired the rest, so to sacrifice it
to Neptune or Vulcan, rather then permit it to English
hands. Neither had the English any neere Port where
to supply themselves in any distresse, or exhaustion of
provisions, but must necessarily returne home for England,
if not (as sometimes) perishing in the way, with little
or perhaps no prize attained. Likewise in long Voyages,
as to the East Indies, and to the South Sea, having no
harbour to friend, every disease proved mortall to their
Voyage, and forced at lest a returne, that is, a miscarrying
of the designe, if not of themselves : whereas, such a
refuge as Virginia and Summer Hands might either have
recovered the Voyage intended, or refreshed and inabled
them to make as good a purchase upon the enemy, making
him to pay their charges, perhaps with more gaine then
the first intents could have produced. Examples will
make this more evident.
And first to begin with the first of our great Dis-
S. Seb. Cabot, coverers ; Sir Sebastian Cabot, and Sir Thomas Pert, were
set forth by King Henry the eight (as before is mentioned)
in a Voyage of American Discovery, a Ship of which
Fleete comming from the coast of Brasil to Domingo
(Oviedo mentions it in the Spanish stile, branding them
with Piracy, yet laieth nothing to their charge but
discovery and offer of trade, paying with Pewter dishes
Jnno 15 17. for what they tooke) was thence repeUed Anno 1517. and
Oviedo. Gen. obtained some provisions at Saint John, from whence in
hut. 1.1^. ^.jjg-j. j-eturne to England, Oviedo thinkes they perished :
'■ '^' "^ at least the Voyage miscarried, as appeareth by Master
262
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
Thornes and Master Edens testimony thereof, for want of
-provisions. The like happened to Master Hores Voyage, Master Hon.
-described in Master Hakluit Anno 1536. when want of '536.
victuals made them eate one another, and at last to steale
a French Ship, in which they returned.
Anno 1564. Sir John Hawkins having made a profit- Sir Jo. Haw-
able Voyage by sale of Negros on the coast Townes of ^i"^- 1564.
America, was driven to seeke reliefe of the French (then
planted in Florida, rooted thence not long after by Spanish
butchery) And in another Voyage 1567. incurred by 1567.
perfidious treachery of the Spaniards, a most lamentable
-disaster. He then sailed in the Jesus of Lubecke, having
to his consorts, the Minion, the William and John, the
Judith, the Angell and the Swallow. Having gotten
■Negros in Guinnee and made his market in the Spanish
Indies, he put in for reliefe at Saint John de Ulhua,
Whiles his Fleete was there, the Spanish Fleete came
thither with their new Viceroy, which he could easily
have kept out of the harbour, but there being then no
Warres betwixt England and Spaine, certaine Articles
were concluded betwixt them ; from which the Viceroy
perfidiously resulting, with close trechery (contrary to SpanisA
.'his faith plighted) assaulted the English with a strong pc'Mf-
power on the sudden : the issue whereof was the firing,
drowning, taking many of the English, whom they put
also to execrable tortures. Onely the Minion and Judith
-of that whole Fleete escaped, if it be an escaping to avoide
Scylla and rush on Charibdis. For they were so shaken
in fight first, after with stormes, lastly and worst of all,
Tvith famine, that they were forced to expose a hundred
and foureteene men to the mercy of cruell elements,
-crueller Savages, cruellest Spaniards, who exercised in the Spanish
Inquisition with bondage, rackes, whips, fires, famish- (^'^^t*'-
ments, & plurima mortis imago, what the other had
spared ; so that of a hundred and fovireteene not above
the odde foxire, and those foure after Odysses of
wandrings, and Iliades of miseries returned home from
'the foure corners of the World. Had Sir John Hawkins
263
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
had a Virginian opportunity of refreshing, the first danger-
should not have needed, and the last had not proved,
worse then the first : that exposing being not farre From
the Virginian shoare, and the current fitting to carry him
thither. Sir Francis Drake was then Captaine of the
Judith, and repaied that courtesie to the Spaniards after,
who to shew the fesibility of such refreshing Anno 1585.
having sacked Saint lago, Domingo, Carthagena, and
Saint Augustine, returned by Virginia to relieve the
Colony there planted by Sir W. Raleigh.
Anno 1 59 1. Captaine George Raymund in the Pene-
lope, Captaine Foxcroft in the Merchant RoyaU, and.
Caf. Lancas- Captaine Lancaster in the Edward Bonadventure, set forth
ter. 1 59 1. a Voyage intended for the East Indies. Their Company
were so weakened with sicknesse, that the Viceadmirall
was sent backe from Soldanha with sicke men. The
Admirall was lost, the Rereadmirall returned, and for
want of provisions put over from Saint Helena to
Trinidad, in hope of reliefe. Yet being there dis-
appointed, they intended to get to Newfoundland, but:
being crossed with stormes in the way, and forced backe*
to Port Ricco, the Ship was driven away and lost not far
from Mona, whiles the famished Company were seeking-
refreshing (which how easily had a Bermuda or Virginia,
supplied, had an English plantation flourished there.?)'
Sir James Lancaster and the rest being forced to return
after much misery, in French Ships for France, and thence-
home.
Anno 1596. the Beare, the Beares Whelpe, and the-
Cap. Ben. Benjamin, were set forth for China under the command
Wood. 1596. g£ Captaine Benjamin Wood. Frier Joaon dos Santos-
^Ethiopia mentions both the two former of Raymund and Lancaster,
Orientalii. and two also of these seene on the coast of Mozambique.
[IV. ix. Bartolome Leonardo de Argensola in his Booke, printed
1826.] g^j Madrid 1609. hath published the Letter of the Chinese
Visitor of Chincheo, in which he writeth to Don Pedro
de Acunna, Governour of the Philippinas, that the King
of China had done two Sangleys to death, for shewing;
264
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
the haven to these two English Ships : and Acunna
describes that the English were Pyrates, &c. after the
Spanish wont. These Ships were unheard of in England,
untill a Letter of Alcasar de Villa sennor, Auditor of
Domingo, writ to the King his Master, being by an
English Ship intercepted, gave intelligence of one of
those two Ships which distressed for want of necessaries,
by mortality, had foure men only left alive in her, which
seeking reliefe, put themselves into their Boate, and
comming on shoare in the Hand Utias, not farre from
Domingo, with Jewels and great riches, confessed that
they had taken three Portugall prizes. The Spaniards
at first received them on good conditions, but some
villaines seeing their wealth, murthered them, for which
this Auditor had sentenced Roderigo de Fuentes, with
others, as his Letter to the King of Spaine importeth.
Now had there then beene a Virginian or Bermudan
Plantation, how easily might they have attained thither
(the Boat at least) and escaped that butchery.? I could
hither adde instructions from the English Indian Ships
1604. and 1608. from Captaine Fenton 1582. from the
Earle of Cumberlands Voyages before related, in the
yeares 86. 89. 91. 93. 96. 97. and from Master Candish,
Master Davis, and others.
But we have made too long a Virginian Voyage, having
no better freight then Arguments, which the Times doe
now promise, if not worthy wise mens approbation, yet
good mens indulgence ; where in a weake body, and East Indie
manifold weighty imployments, the willingnesse of a heart J««>">-
truely English, sincerely Christian, may seeme tolerable,
if not commendable ; pardonable if not plausible.
Another labour remaines to set downe rules and projects
of best fecibility and accomplishing this noble worke,
but I am onely a Freeman, no Councellour of that
Plantation, and have neither Lands there, nor other
adventure therein, but this of my love and credit, which
with the allegiance to my Soveraigne, and desire of the
publike good of this Kingdome, is more to me then all
265
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1625.
the treasures of America. I seeke the good and not the
goods of England and Virginia. I follow the hand of
God, which have given England so many rights in
Virginia, right naturall, right nationall, right by first
discovery, by accepted trade, by possession surrendred
voluntarily, continued constantly, right by gift, by birth,
by bargaine and sale, by cession, by forfeiture in that late
damnable trechery and massacre, and the fatal possession
The Conclu- taken by so many murthered English. Gods bounty
siott. before, his justice now hath given us Virginia, that we
should so in judgement remember mercy, as to give
Virginia againe to God, in Christian acknowledgement
of his goodnesse and mercy, of his word and workes, and
in our owne more serious conversion to prepare that of
Virginia. God goeth before us in making this designe
honorable to Religion, to Humanity, to our Ancestors,
to our King, to our Kingdome. God goeth before us,
and hath given Virginia so rich a portion, to allure and
assure our loves ; in multiplying our people, and thereby
our necessities enforcing a vent : in endowing Virginia
with so large a jointure, so temperate, so commodious
for the climate compared with other Countries, beyond
other Countries in her own diversified Lands, Seas,
Briefe recapl- Rivers ; in so fertile a soyle, in so strong, sweete, stately,
tulaAm of the (Jelicate Woods and Timbers, in her naturall hopes of
Tbfeprmiss'es ^i^^^, of Silkes, of the bodies of Natives servile and
serviceable : in Drugges, Irons, and probability also of
other Mines; in all materials for Shipping, and other
buildings : God goeth before us in offering that meane
to save that which wee seeke and spend in other (perhaps
enemies) Countries ; to breede up Marriners, to train up
Souldiers, to exercise labourers, by transportation of
English and Eviropsean creatures to plant another England
in America, enriched with the best things of Europe;
to give us Fish, Tobacco, and other present improvements
as earnest of future better hopes ; and that in these times,
which have so manifold necessities thereof, in regard of
monies, men, and trades decayed, in regard of neighbour
266
A DISCOURSE ON VIRGINIA a.d.
1625.
plantations, in the probabilities of a South-Sea glory,
and in the case of obtruded warre, obtruding on us
absolute necessity, and including and concluding every
way so manifold use. God the Father, Sonne and holy
Ghost, which goe before us in these things, if not in
miraculous fire and cloudy piUars, (as when Israel went Ex. 13.
to Canaan) yet in the light of reason, and right conse-
quence of arguments ; come into us and fill us with the
spirit of wisedome and understanding, the spirit of
counsell and of fortitude, the spirit of knowledge, and the
feare of the Lord (I may adde the spirit of unity and
<:ounsell) that he may vouchsafe to goe with us, and we Es. 11.
with him, and after him to Virginia, Amen,
O Amen. Be thou the Alpha and
Omega of Englands Plantation
in Virginia O GOD.
The end of the ninth Booke.
267
A.D.
1607-22.
English Discoveries
and Plantations in New England and New-Found-
land ; with the Patent and Voyages to New-
Scotland : Relations also of the Fleets
set forth by Queene Elizabeth
against the Spaniards.
THE TENTH BOOKS.
[IV. X.
1827.]
Chap. I.
A briefe Relation of the Discoverie and Plantation
of New-England : and of sundry Accidents
therein occurring, from the yeere of our Lord
1607. to this present 1622. Published by the
President and Councell, and dedicated to the
Princes Highnesse here abbreviated.
Hen this Designe was first attempted,
some of the present Compjany were
therein chiefly interessed ; who being
carefull to have the same accomplished,
did send to the discovery of those
Northern parts a brave Gentleman, Cap.
Henry Challons, with two of the Natives 1. Ca.
of that Territorie, the one called Maneday, the other Challons.
Assecomet. But his misfortunes did expose him to the
power of certaine strangers, enemies to his proceedings,
269
A.D.
1607-22.
2. Cap.
Hanamsentby
Lord Chiefe
Justice
Popham.
3. Cap. Pop-
ham 55f Cap.
Gilbert.
[IV. X.
1828.]
Sir John Pop-
hams death.
Captaine Pop-
hams death.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
so that by them, his Company were seized, the ships and
goods confiscated, and that Voyage wholly overthrowne.
This losse, and unfortunate beginning, did much abate
the rising courage of the first Adventurers ; but immedi-
ately upon his departure, it pleased the Noble Lord Chiefe
Justice, Sir John Popham Knight, to send out another
shippe, wherein Captayne Thomas Hanam went Com-
mander, and Martine Prinne of Bristow Master, with all
necessary supplyes, for the seconding of Captayne Challons
and his people ; who arriving at the place appointed, and
not finding that Captayne there, after they had made some
Discoverie, and found the Coasts, Havens, and Harbours
answerable to our desires, they returned. Upon whose
Relation the Lord Chiefe Justice, and we all waxed so
confident of the businesse, that the yeere following every
man of any worth, formerly interessed in it, was willing
to joyne in the charge for the sending over a competent
number of people to lay the ground of a hopefull
Plantation.
Hereupon Captaine Popham, Captaine Rawley Gilbert,
and others were sent away with two ships, and an hundred
Landmen, Ordnance, and other provisions necessary for
their sustentation and defence ; untill other supply might
be sent. In the meane-while, before they could returne,
it pleased God to take us from this worthy member, the
Lord Chiefe Justice, whose sudden death did so astonish
the hearts of the most part of the Adventurers, as some
grew cold, and some did wholly abandon the businesse.
Yet Sir Francis Popham his Sonne, certaine of his private
friends, and other of us, omitted not the next yeere
(holding on our first resolution) to joyne in sending forth
a new supply, which was accordingly performed.
But the ships arriving there, did not only bring
uncomfortable newes of the death of the Lord Chiefe
Justice, together with the death of Sir John Gilbert, the
elder Brother unto Captaine Rawley Gilbert, who at that
time was President of that Councell : But found that
the old Captaine Popham was also dead ; who was the
270
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1607-22.
onely man (indeed) that died there that Winter, wherein
they indured the greater extremities; for that, in the
depth thereof, their Lodgings and stores were burnt, and
they thereby wondrously distressed.
This calamitie and evill newes, together with the
resolution that Captaine Gilbert was forced to take for
his owne returne (in that he was to succeed his Brother,
in the Inheritance of his Lands in England) made the
whole Company to resolve upon nothing but their returne Death of the
with the ships ; and for that present to leave that Countrey PI""'"'*"'-
againe, having in the time of their abode there (notwith-
standing the coldnesse of the season, and the small helpe
they had) built a prettie Barke of their owne, which served
them to good purpose, as easing them in their returning.
The arrivall of these people here in England, was a
wonderfull discouragement to all the first undertakers,
in so much as there was no more speech of setling any
other Plantation in those parts for a long time after :
only Sir Francis Popham having the ships and provision, Sir Fr.
which remayned of the Company, and supplying what P'f'"'^-
was necessary for his purpose, sent divers times to the
Coasts for Trade and fishing ; of whose losse or gaines
himselfe is best able to give account.
Our people abandoning the Plantation in this sort as
you have heard ; the Frenchmen immediately tooke the Frenchmen
opportunitie to settle themselves within our limits ; which ^ *'^^'-
beeing heard of by those of Virginia, that discreetly tooke
to their consideration the inconveniences that might
arise, by suffering them to harbour there, they dispatched
Sir Samuel Argall, with Commission to displace them. Sir Sa. A/gall.
which he performed with much discretion, judgement,
valour, and dexteritie. For having seized their Forts,
which they had built at Mount Mansell, Saint Croix, and
Port Reall, he carried away their Ordnance ; he also
surprised their Ship, Cattle, and other Provisions, which
he transported to the Colonic in Virginia, to their great
benefit. And hereby hee hath made a way for the present
hopefull Plantation to be made in Nova Scotia, which Nova Scotia.
271
A.D.
1607-22.
Cap. Hobson
imployed tiiith
Cap. Herley,
l^c. 161 1.
Hunts Savage
hunting of
Savages.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
we heare his Majestic hath lately granted to Sir William ,
Alexander Knight, one of his Majesties most Honorable
Councell of the Kingdome of Scotland, to be held of
the said Crowne, and that not without some of our
privities, as by approbation under writing may and doth
appeare. Whereby it is manifest that wee are so farre
from making a Monopoly of all those Lands belonging
to that Coast (as hath beene scandalously by some
objected) that wee wish that many would undertake the
like.
In this Interim there were of us who apprehended
better hopes of good that might ensue by this attempt,
being thereunto perswaded, both by the Relations of our
people that had indured the many difficulties whereunto
such actions are subjected, chiefly in the Winter Season;
and likewise by the informations given them by certaine
of the Natives, that had beene kept a long time in their
hands ; wherefore we resolved once more to trie the
veritie thereof, and to see if possibly we might finde
some thing that might induce a fresh resolution to
prosecute a Worke so pious and so honourable. And
thereupon they dispatched Captayne Hobson, of the He
of Wight, together with Captayne Herley, Master John
Matthew, Master Sturton, with two Savages, the one
called Epenow, the other Manawet, with Commission and
directions fit for them to observe and follow, the better
to bring to passe what was expected. But as in all
humane affaires, there is nothing more certaine, then the
uncertaintie thereof; so fell it out in this; for a little
before such time as they arrived upon the Coast with the
foresaid Savages, who were Naturals of those parts, it
happened there had beene one Hunt (a worthlesse fellow
of our Nation, set out by certaine Merchants for love
of gaine, who, not content with the commoditie he had
by the fish, and peaceable Trade he found among the
Savages, after he had made his dispatch, and was ready
to set sayle more Savage-like then they) seized upon the
poore innocent creatures, that in confidence of his honestie
272
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND a.p.
1607-22.
had put themselves into his hands. And stowing them
under Hatches, to the number of twentie foure, carried
them into the Straits, where he sought to sell them for
slaves, and sold as many as he could get mony for. But
when it was understood from whence they were brought,
the Friers of those parts took the rest from them, and Friers
kept them to be instructed in the Christian Faith ; and ''"'"*>'•
so disappointed this unworthy fellow of the hopes of
gaine he conceived to make by this new and Devillish
project.
This being knowne by our two Savages, formerly Wicked effects
spoken of, they presently contracted such an hatred "f^*'^'^^"-
against our whole Nation, as they immediately studied
how to be revenged ; and contrived with their friends
the best meanes to bring it to passe ; but Manawet dying
in a short time after the shippes arrivall there, and the
other observing the good order, and strong guard our
people kept, studied only how to free himselfe out of our [IV. x.
hands, and thereupon laid the plot very orderly, and '829.]
indeed effected his purpose, although with so great hazard
to himselfe and friends, that laboured his rescue, that
Captayne Hobson and his whole Company imagined hee
had beene slaine. And though in the recovery of his
bodie they wounded the Master of our ship, and divers
other of our Company, yet was not their Designe without
the slaughter of some of their people, and the hurts of
other, compassed, as appeared afterward.
Hereupon Captaine Hobson and his Company, con-
ceiving the end of their attempt to bee frustrate, resolved
without more adoe to returne, and so those hopes, that
charge and Voyage was lost also, for they brought home
nothing but the newes of their evill successe of the
unfortunate cause thereof, and of a Warre now new
begun betweene the Inhabitants of those parts, and us.
A miserable comfort for so weake meanes as were now
left, to pursue the conclusion of so tedious an Enterprise.
While this was a working, we found the meanes to
send out Captaine John Smith from Plimmouth, in a Cap. J. Smith.
XIX 273 s
A.D.
1607-22.
Cap. Mason
Governor in
New found-
land Planta-
tion.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ship, together with Master Dermer, and divers others
with him, to lay the foundation of a new Plantation, and
to try the fishing of that Coast, and to seeke to settle a
Trade with the Natives: But such was his misfortune,
as being scarce free of our owne Coast, he had his Masts
shaken over-boord by stormes and tempests, his ship
wonderfully distressed, and in that extremitie forced to
come backe againe ; so as the season of the yeere being
almost spent, wee were of necessitie enforced to furnish
him with another ship, and taking out the provision of
the first, dispatched him away againe, who comming to
the height of the Westerne Hands, was chased by a French
Pirate, and by him made Prisoner, although his ship in
the night escaped away, and returned with the losse of
much of her provision, and the overthrow of that Voyage,
to the ruine of that poore Gentleman Captayne Smith,
who was detayned Prisoner by them, and forced to suffer
many extremities, before he got free of his troubles.
Notwithstanding these Disasters, it pleased God so to
worke for our incouragement againe, as he sent into our
hands Tasquantum, one of those Savages thati formerly
had beene betrayed by this unworthy Hunt before named,
by whose means there was hope conceived to worke a
peace betweene us, and his friends^ they beeing the
principall Inhabitants of that Coast, where the fire was
kindled. But this Savage Tasquantum, being at that
time in the New-found-land with Captaine Mason, Gover-
nour there for the undertakers of that Plantation : Master
Darmer (who was there also, and sometimes before
imployed as wee have said by us, together with Captayne
John Smith) found the meanes to give us intelligence of
him, and his opinion of the good use that might bee
made of his Employment, with the readinesse of Captayne
Mason, to further any of our Attempts that way, eyther
with Boates or other provision necessarie, and resolving
himselfe to goe from thence, advised us to send some to
meete with him at our usuall place of fishing ; to ayde
him in his indevour, that they joyning together, might
374
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND ad.
1607-22.
bee able to doe what he hoped would be very acceptable
unto all wel-wishers of that businesse. Upon this newes,
we dispatched the next season Cap. Rocraft, with a Cap. Rocraft.
company for that purpose, in hope to have met with
Captaine Darmer; but the care and discretion of Cap.
Mason was such, finding Captayne Darmers resolution
to goe beyond his meanes, that he perswaded him first
to go for England, that providing himselfe there, as was
requisite, hee might proceed in time expedient, which
counsell he observed (as fit it was) although our expecta-
tion of his joyning with Captaine Rocraft was thereby
disappointed. Yet so it happened, that Captaine Rocraft
at his arrivall in those parts, met with a French Barke
that lay in a Creeke a fishing, and trading, which hee
seized on, and sent home the Master and Company in French seized.
the same ship which hee went out in.
With this Barke and his owne Company, he meant to
keepe the Coast that Winter quarter, being very well
fitted both with Salt, and other necessaries for his turne :
but as this was an Act of extremitie (the poore man being
of our owne Religion) so succeeded it accordingly. For
in a short time after, certaine of this Captaynes Company,
conspired together to cut his throate, and to make them-
selves Masters of the whole spoyle, and so to seeke a
new Fortune where they could best make it. This
Conspiracie being discovered to the Captayne, he let it Compirade.
go on, till the time that it should have beene put in
execution, when hee caught them in their owne traine,
and so apprehended them in the very instant that they
were purposed to begin their Massacre.
But after hee had prevented the mischiefe, and seized
upon the Malefactors, hee tooke to his consideration
what was best to bee done with them. And being loth
by himselfe to dispatch them as they deserved, hee
resolved to put them a shoare, thinking by their hazard,
that it was possible they might discover something, that
might advance the publike ; and so giving them some
Armes for their defence, and some victuall for their
27s
A.D.
1607-22.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Conspirators
last
Sawaguatoek
Menehighon.
[IV. X.
1830.]
sustentation, untill they knew better how to provide for
themselves, hee left them a place called Sawaguatoek,,
where they remayned not long, but got from thence to
Menehighon, an Hand lying some three leagues in the
Sea, and fifteene leagues from that place, where they
remayned all that Winter, with bad lodging, and worse
fare, yet came all safe home save one sickely man, which
dyed there, the rest returned with the Shippe wee sent
for Rocrafts supply and provision, to make a Fishing
Voyage.
After these fellowes were landed, the Captaine finding
himselfe but weakely man'd, and his Ship to draw too
much water to Coast those places, that by his instructions
hee was assigned to discover, hee resolved to goe for
Virginia, where he had lived a long time before, and had
(as hee conceived) many friends, that would helpe him
with some things that hee had occasion to use. Arriving
there, he was not deceived of his expectation ; for Sir
Samuel Argall being their Governour, and one that
respected him much for his owne sake was the readier
to helpe him, in regard of the good hee wished to the
businesse wherein he was imployed.
But all this could not prevaile, for after that Sir Samuel
Argall came from thence (his departure, being more
sudden then was expected) it fell out that the new
Governour entred the Harbour : and finding Rocraft
ready to bee gone, sent to him to command him to come
aboord to speake with him, which hee readily obeyed, as
soone as hee could fit his boat and men for that purpose.
And so leaving his Barke with her great Anker at head,
and taking with him the halfe of ms company, he was
forced to stay aboard the new Governors Ship that night.
In the meane while a storme arising, our Barke wanting
hands to doe their labour, drove a shoare, and there
Barke sunke. sunke. But yet the Governour and Captaine so laboured
the next day, when they knew thereof, as that they freed
her againe, but that occasion forced our Captain to stay
so long in the Countrey to fit himselfe a new, as in the
?76
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1607-22.
interim a quarrell fell out betweene him and another of
that place ; so as Rocraft was slaine, and the Barke sunke Rocraft slaine.
the second time, and finally disabled from yeelding us
any benefit to this present.
But we not knowing this disaster, and Captain Darmer (^"h Darmers
arriving with his Savage out of New-found land, dis- ^''"'•*'-
patched him away the next season, in a Ship wee sent
againe for the fishing businesse, and assigned him a
company to joyne with Rocraft and his people. Captain
Darmer arriving there, and not finding Rocraft, was a
little perplexed, and in doubt what to doe : yet hearing
by those Mutiners which hee found there, that hee was
gone for Virginia ; he was hopefull of his returne ; and
lived in that expectation, till such time as he heard (by
a Ship that came from thence to fish for the Colony) the
confusion of his fortune, and the end of his misery in
this world. Then hee determined to take the Pinnace,
that the yeere before was assigned to Rocraft, for him to
make the Trade with, and with her to proceed on his
designe, and so embarked himselfe and his provision and
company in her. And leaving the Fisher-men to their
labour, he coasted the shoare from thence, searching every
Harbour, and compassing every Cape-land, till hee arrived
in Virginia ; where hee was in hope to meet with some
of the provision, or company of Rocraft, to help to supply
him or what hee wanted ; as also to lay a Decke upon Neeessitie of a
his Pinnace, that before had not any, and now was taught ^f^^ '"
by experience the neeessitie of having that defect supplied. J"^"^"'jf
But those hopes failed him (all being before that time
ruined and dispersed) so farre, as he saw it in vaine to
hope for helpe by that meanes, and therefore attempted
to make the best of what hee had of his owne. And
going to set his men a worke, they all in few dayes after
their arrivall, fell sicke of a disease which hapned at that
time in the Countrey, so as now he was not onely forced
to be without hope of their helping of him, but must
labour himselfe all hee could to attend and sustaine them ;
but so God favoured him, that they recovered, and in
277
A.D.
1607-22.
PURCHAS HIS PlLG^iltMES
time convenient he dispatched his businesse there, and
put himselfe to Sea againe, resolving to accomplish in
his journey backe to New-England, what in his last
Discovery he had omitted. In his passage he met with
Hollanders in certaine Hollanders, who had a trade in Hudsons River
Hudson! some yeeres before that time, with whom he had
'^^''' conference about the state of that coast, and their pro-
ceedings with those people : whose answere gave him
good content. Hee betooke himselfe to the following of
Dormers dis- his businesse, discovering many goodly Rivers, and
covertes. exceeding pleasant and fruitfiill Coasts and Hands, for
the space of eightie leagues from East to West, for so
that Coast doth range along, from Hudsons River to
Cape James.
Now after wee had found by Captaine Rocrafts relation
made the yeere before, the hopes hee conceived of the
benefits that Coast would afford, towards the upholding
of the charge for setling our Plantation, by reason of
the commodities arising by Fishing and Furres, if a course
might bee taken for the managing of that businesse, as
was fit for such a designe ; as well as for the advancement
of the publike good of our whole Nation, and satisfaction
of every well disposed person that had a will to be
interressed therein. It was held to be most convenient
l^evi Patent to Strengthen our selves by a new Grant to bee obtained
thought on. fj-oj^ jjjg Royal Majesty : the rather, finding that those of
Virginia had by two severall Patents setled their bounds,
and excluded all from intermedling with them that were
not free of their Company ; and had wholly altered the
forme of their Government, from the first ground layed
for the managing the affaires of both Colonies, leaving
us as desperate, and our businesse as abandoned. These
considerations (as is said) together with the necessitie of
setling our affaires, bounds and limits, distinct from theirs,
made us resolve to petition his Majestie for the renewing
of our Grant. By which time the rumour of our hopes
was so publikely spread abroad, and the commodities of
the Fish and Trade so looked into, as it was desired that
278
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND ad.
1607-22.
all that Coast might bee made free, as well to those of
Virginia, as to us to make their commoditie : How just
or unjust that motion was, wee will not argue, seeing the
businesse is ended. By this meanes our proceedings were
interrupted, and wee questioned about it ; first, by the
Counsel] of Virginia, whom wee thought to have beene
fully satisfied therein, before wee could have way given
us for a new Patent, both parties having beene heard
by certaine of the Lords of the Councell ; and the [IV. x.
businesse by them so ordered, as wee were directed to '831.]
proceed and to have our Grant agreeable to the libertie
of the Virginia Company, the frame of our government
excepted ; but this order not being liked of, it was againe
heard and concluded. Lastly, the Patent being past the
Seale, it was stopt upon new suggestions to the King,
and by his Majesty referred to the Councel to be setled,
by whom the former Orders were confirmed, the difference
cleered, and we ordered to have our Patent delivered us.
These disputes held us almost two yeeres, so as all men
were afraid to joyne with us, and we thereby left hopelesse
of any thing more, than that which our owne fortunes
would yeeld to advance our proceedings, in which time
so many accidents hapned unto us at home and abroad,
that wee were faine to give order by the Ships wee sent
a fishing, for the retiring of Master Darmer and his
people, untill all things were cleered, and wee better
provided of meanes to goe through with our designe :
But this worthy Gentleman confident of the good likely
to ensue, and resolutely resolving to pursue the ends
he aymed at, could not be perswaded to looke backe, as
yet ; and so refusing to accept our offer, began againe
to prosecute his Discovery, wherein he was betrayed by Dermer
certaine new Savages, who sodainly set upon him, giving betraied by
him fourteene or fifteene wounds ; but by his valour and j^J'^f^'^^/^
dexteritie of spirit hee freed himselfe out of their hands, /^^^^^ f^ „g_
yet was constrained to retire into Virginia againe the
second time, for the cure of his wounds, where he fell
sicke of the infirmities of that place, and thereof dyed : His death.
279
/»• PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1007-22.
so ended this worthy Gentleman his dayes, after he had
remained in the discovery of that Coast two yeeres, giving
us good content in all hee undertooke; and after hee
had made the peace betweene us and the Savages, that
so much abhorred our Nation for the wrongs done them
by others, as you have heard : but the fruit of his labour
in that behalfe wee as yet receive to our great commoditie.
Peaceable who have a peaceable Plantation at this present among
Plantation iy them, where our people both prosper and live in good
its manes. liking, and assurednesse of their neighbours, that had
beene formerly so much exasperated against us, as will
more at large appeare hereafter.
But having passed all these storms abroad, and under-
gone so many home-bred oppositions, and freed our
Patent, which wee were by order of State assigned to
Patent renew, for the amendment of some defects therein
renewed. contained, wee were assured of this ground more boldly
to proceed on than before ; and therefore wee tooke
first to consideration, how to raise the meanes to advance
the Plantation. In the examination thereof, two wayes
did first offer themselves : The one was the voluntary
contribution of the Patentees ; The other, by an easie
ransoming of the freedomes of those that had a will to
partake only of the present profits arising by the Trade
and Fishing upon the Coast. The first was to proceed
from those Noble-men, and others that were Patentees,
and they agreed by order among themselves to disburse
a hundred pounds a piece, for the advancement of such
necessary businesse as they had in hand. The second
was to bee accomplished by setling such liberties and
orders in the Westerne Cities and Townes, as might
induce every reasonable man, in, and about them,
affecting the publike good, or a regular proceeding in
the businesse of Trade, to embrace an uniformitie, and
to joyne a communitie or joynt stock together, &c.
280
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND
BUt this Countrey, what by the general! and particular
situation is so temperate, as it seemeth to hold the
golden meane, and indeed is most agreeable to the nature
of our owne, which is made manifest by experience, the
most infallible proofe of all assertions ; insomuch as our
people that are setled, enjoy their life and health much
more happily then in other places ; which can be imputed
to no other cause, then to the temperature of the Climate :
Now as the Clime is found to be so temperate, so delicate
and healthfiall, both by reason and experience; such is
the soile also, some parts thereof yeelding wonderfiill
increase, both of Corne, the Natives have most use of ;
as also of our owne, of all sorts : with infinite varietie
of nourishing Rootes, and other Hearbs and Fruits
common among them, but rare with us. Besides, the
Coast doth abound with most convenient Havens and
Harbors, full of singular Hands fit for Plantation ;
replenished with Plants and Wood of all sorts ; as Cake,
Cedars, Spruce, Fir, Pyne, Walnut, Chestnut, Elme,
Sassafras, Plum-trees, and Calamus Aromaticus, &c.
The people are tractable (if they be not abused) to
commerce and Trade withall, and as yet have good respect
of us. The Seas are stored with all kindes of excellent
Fish, and in many places upon the Coast, fit to make
Salt in. The Countrey aboundeth with diversitie of
wilde Fowle, as Turkies, Partridges, Swans, Cranes, wild
Geese of al sorts, wild Ducks of three sorts, many Doves,
especially when Strawberries are ripe.
There are severall sorts of Deere in those parts, and
some that bring forth two, three, and foure young at
once, which is a manifest proofe of the fertilitie of the
Soile, or temper of the Clime, or both together. There
is also a certaine Beast, that the Natives call a Mosse,
hee is as big bodied as an Oxe, headed like a fallow
Deere, with a broad Palme, which hee mues every yeere,
as doth the Deere, and neck like a Red Deere, with a
short Mane running downe along the Ranes of his back,
his haire long like an Elke, but esteemed to be better
281
A.D.
1607-22.
Temperate
Climate.
Fertile Soile.
Commodious
Coast.
Fowle.
Deere.
The Mosse a
strange beast
described.
A.t».
1607-22.
[IV. X.
1832.]
Mount
Mansell.
How they take
the Mosse or
Musse.
Commodities.
Severall Plan-
tations along
the Coast.
PtTRCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
then that for Sadlers use, he hath likewise a great bunch
hanging downe under his throat, and is of the colour
of our blacker sort of fallow Deere, his legs are long, and
his feet as big as the feet of our Oxen, his taile is longer
then the Single of a Deere, and reacheth almost downe
to his Huxens, his skinne maketh very good Buffe, and
his flesh is excellent good food, which the Natives use
to Jerkin and keepe all the yeere to serve their turne,
and so proves very serviceable for their use. There have
beene many of them scene in a great Hand upon the
Coast, called by our people Mount Mansell, whither the
Savages goe at certaine seasons to hunt them ; the manner
whereof is by making of severall fires, and setting the
Countrey with people, to force them into the Sea, to
which they are naturally addicted, and then there are
others that attend them in their Boates with Bowes and
weapons of severall kindes, wherewith they slay and take
at their pleasure. And there is hope that this kind of
Beasts may be made serviceable for ordinary labour, with
Art and Industry.
The knowne Commodities of that Countrey are Fish
of severall sorts, rich Furres, as Beavers, Otters, Martins,
blacke Fox, Sables, &c. There are likewise plentie of
Vines, of three kinds, and those pleasant to the taste,
yet some better then other. There is Hempe, Flax,
Silkgrasse, severall veines of Ironstone, commodities to
make Pitch, Rosen, Tarre ; Deale-boords of all sorts,
Spars, Masts, for Ships of all burdens ; in a word, there
comes no commoditie out of France, Germany, or the
Sound, but may be had there with reasonable labour and
industry.
Further, wee have setled at this present severall
Plantations along the Coast, and have granted Patents
to many more that are in preparation to bee gone with
all conveniencie. Those of our people that are there
have both health and plenty, so as they acknowledge there
is no want of any thing, but of industrious people, to
reape the commodities that are there to be had, and they
282
A RELATION OF NEW ENGLAND ad.
1607-22.
are indeed so much affected to the place, as they are loth
to bee drawne from thence, although they were directed
to returne to give satisfaction to those that sent them,
but chose rather to performe that office by Letters,
together with there excuse for breach of their duty in
that behalfe. And thus you see there is no labour well
imployed, but hath his reward at one time or other.
These incouragements have imboldned us to proceed to
the ingaging of our selves for the building of some Ships
of good burden, and extraordinary mould, to lie upon
the Coast for the defence of Merchants and Fishermen
that are imployed there, as also to Waft the Fleets, as
they goe to and from their Markets : and wee purpose
from henceforth to build our shipping there, where we^
find all commodities fit for that service, together with
the most opportune places that can bee desired.
Lastly, finding that we have so far forth prevailed, as
to wind our selves into familiaritie with the Natives
(which are in no great number) along the Coast, for two
hundred Leagues together, wee have now dispatched some
of our people of purpose, to dyve into the bowels of the
Continent, there to search and finde out what Port, or
Place, is most convenient to settle our mayne Plantation
in, where wee meane to make the Residencie of our State
and Government, as also to bee assured what other com-
modities may bee raysed for the publike, and private
benefit of those that are dealers in that businesse, and
willing to bee interessed in any the Lands there : "Whither
is gone this yeere already, for Trade and Fishing onely,
thirtie Saile of the better sort of Ships belonging to the Thirtie saile.
Westerne parts, besides those who are gone for transpor- '^^^•
tation of the Planters, or supply of such as are already
planted, whose returne (as is supposed) will amount (at
the least) to thirty thousand pound, the greater part
whereof comes home in Bullion. And therefore as
touching the third happinesse of these parts, which is
the Sea, there needeth no other greater commendation,
then this benefit of Fishing assured unto us by common
283
A.D.
1607-22.
[IV.:
1833-]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Experience; although it affords many other hopes, both
in regard of the facnitie of the Navigation, the boldnesse
of the Coast, the conveniencie of Roades, Havens and
Harbors, for performance of all manner of imployments ;
yet is there also found Showes of Pearle, Ambergreece,
great numbers of Whales, and other merchantable meanes
to raise profit to the industrious Inhabitants or diligent
Traders.
Chap. II.
The Voyage of M. Henry Challons intended for
the North Plantation of Virginia, 1606. taken
by the way, and ill used by Spaniards : written
by John Stoneman Pilot.
N Tuesday the twelfth of August, 1606.
M. Henry Challons Gentleman set forth
from Plimouth, in our small Ship of the
burthen of fiftie five Tunnes or there-
about, called the Richard of Plimouth.
Wherein went twentie nine Englishmen,
and two of the five Savages (whose names
were Mannido and Assacomoit) which were brought into
England the yeere before out of the North parts of
Virginia, from our goodly River by him thrice discovered,
called in the Latitude of 43. degrees, 20. minutes
were imployed for a farther discovery of these Coasts :
And if any good occasion were offered, to leave as many
men as wee could spare in the Country. Being victualled
for eleven or twelve moneths, at the charges of the
Honourable Sir John Popham Knight, Lord chiefe Justice
of England, Sir Fardinando Gorges Knight, Captaine of
the Fort of Plimouth, together with divers other worship-
full Knights, Gentlemen and Merchants of the West
Countrye : John Stoneman of Plimouth being Pilot, who
had beene in the foresaid parts of Virginia the yeere
before, with George Waymouth : The Masters name was
Nicholas Hine of Cockington, neere Dartmouth ;
284
HENRY CHALLONS ad.
1606.
The last day of August wee fell with the He of Madera, Ma<^era.
where we watered and refreshed our selves, and stayed
three dayes, being very kindly used by the Inhabitants.
The third day of September wee departed from thence,
passing betweene Gomora and Palma, two of the Canary
lies, and from thence were driven by contrary winds, to
take a more Southerly course then we intended, and so
spent more then sixe weekes before wee could recover
any of the Ant-Iles. The first that wee could recover,
was the He of Saint Lucia, in the Latitude of 14. degrees. Saint Lucia.
20. minutes, where we refreshed our selves with Wood
and Water. And saw certaine of the Savages there,
about fortie or fiftie, came unto us at our Ship in one
of their Cannoas, bringing unto us Tobacco, Potatos,
Plantins, and Cassavi Bread, the which Savages had slaine
more then fortie of our Nation, the yeere before, 1605. F'rtif English
as after wee understood by Philip Glasco, and Miles Pett, '^''"" h
being two of Captaine Nicholas Saint Johns company, i^of'^eethe
which was there treacherously slaine among the rest. stone,sup.
Having stayed heare three dayes, about the two and pog. 1255.
twentieth of October we departed thence to the North-
ward. And in passing by the He of Dominica, wee Dominica.
chanced to see a white Flag put forth on the shoare,
whereat marvelling, wee supposed that some Christians
had sustained shipwrack their. And forthwith a Cannoa
came ofi^ from the shoare towards us, which when they
came neere, being very little wind, we layed our Ship
by the lee and stayed for them a little, and when they
were come within a little distance of the Ship, wee per-
ceived in the Cannoa a Friar, who cried aloud in the Fr'tar Blascui
Latine tongue, saying, I beseech, as you are Christians, request.
for Christ nis sake to shew some mercy and compassion
on mee, I am a Preacher of the Word of God, a Friar
of the Order of Franclscus in Sivill, by name Friar
Blasius. And that hee had beene there sixteene moneths
a Slave unto those Savages; and that other two Friars
which were of his company they had murthered and
thro^ne into the Sea, We demanded of him then, how
285
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
he got so much favour to preserve his life, his Brethren
being murthered : Hee answered, because hee did shew
the Savages how to fit them Sayles for their Cannoas, and
so to ease them of much labour often in rowing, which
greatly pleased the Savages as appeared, for wee saw them
to use sayles in their Cannoas, which hath not beene
seene before.
Then we demanded of him where they had this Linnen
Cloth to make those Sayles : hee answered. That about
Three gallims two yeeres before that, three Gallions comming to the
^°c % I West Indies were cast away on the He of Gwadalopa,
^P"- where abundance of Linnen Cloth and other Merchandise
was cast on shoare. We demanded farther, what was
the cause of his being in this place, and how he came
thither : he answered, That the King of Spaine did every
yeere, send out of every great Monastery certaine Friars
Causes of into the remote parts or the Indies, both to seeke to
yeerly sending convert the Savages, as also to seeke out what benefits
of Spaine " °^ commodities might be had in those parts, and also of
what force the Savages were of, and what number of
them were in the seven Ant-Iles, viz. Saint Vincent
Granado, Saint Lucia, Mattalina, Dominica, Gwadalopa,
Aisey. The which the said Friar Blaseus said he had
diligently noted and observed, and did hope to make
perfect relation of such great benefits and riches as was
to be drawne from thence, as he doubted not but would
bee greatly accepted of his King, if hee might live to
returne to declare it : For, said hee, I have seene in one
River discending from the Mountaines in the lie of
Gold in Dominica, the Sand to glitter like Gold or find Copper,
Domimca. whereupon I tooke some of it, and chewed it betweene
my teeth, and found it perfect Mettall, the Savages noting
me, began to have some jealousie of me, so as I durst
not take any farther notice of it, neither would they suffer
him forward to come neere to that place. And farther
hee said. That if the great plentie of divers Fruits and
Roots fit for mans sustenance were perfectly knowne,
together with the Sugar-canes that they have in those
286
HENRY CHALLONS ad.
1606.
lies, and the fertilitie of the soyle he thought it would
be very shortly inhabited; and as for the number of
Savages there, as neere as we could understand, was scarce
one thousand of all sorts of men, women, and children
in all the said seven lies.
Now, being moved with pittie at the lamentable com-
plaint, and humble suit of this distressed Friar, wee tooke
him into our Ship, and sent away the Savages much
discontented. And from thence wee sayled to the He of
Saint John De-port-rico, where on the nine and twentieth
of October, wee arrived on the Southside, and forthwith
sent the Friar on shoare, and delivered him to two Heards- They land the
men, which most thankfully received him, and of their ^'/'"' "" ^'"''
courtesie brought us a fat Cow, and proferred us more ""'
with Hogs, Calves, or any thing else that they could
procure us in recompence of the good deed done to the
Friar.
Wee departed from thence, and sayled out betweene
the lies of Saint John De-portrico, and Hispaniola [IV. x.
standing away to the Northward. And leaving the great '834-]
shoalds called Abriolo, on our Larboord side, being in
the Latitude of 21. and 22. degrees, from thence West-
ward, our course North North-west, and North-west and
by North, untill wee were in the Latitude of 27. degrees
or better, and about one hundred and eightie leagues from
Saint John de Port Rico.
In this place having had a very great storme of Wind
and Raine continuing fiftie sixe houres and more before
on the tenth day of November, about ten of the clocke
in the morning, suddenly we found our selves in the
middest of a Fleet of eight Sayle of ships in a very thicke They by
fogge of mist and raine, so as we could not see them ""^''PPy ''"P
before they were very neere, and within shot of tHem, Lanhh'sfips.
wherein three of them were on the wind-ward of us, on
a third and fourth more to lee-ward : those at the wind-
ward came rome unto us, and shot at us, requiring us
to speake with their Admirall. When we saw that by
no meanes we could avoid them, but that they would
287
A.D.
1606.
They are
horded, taken
and abused.
King] ameshis
name little
respected by
Spaniards.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
speake with us, we put abroad our Colours, and went
toward the Admirall, before wee came unto him, he
likewise strooke downe our Sayle, and came under his
lee, demanding his pleasure : the other ship which first
shot us, all our Sayles being downe, and shot our mayne
Sayle in pieces lying on the Decke.
And forthwith the Admirall came on boord of us, with
two and twentie men in their ships Boate with Rapiers^
Swords, and halfe-pikes. We being all in peace stood
readie to entertayne them in peace. But assoone as they
were entred on boord of us, they did most cruelly beate
us all, and wounded two of our Company in the heads
with their Swords, not sparing our Captayne nor any.
Also they wounded Assacomoit, one of the Savages afore-
said, most cruelly in severall places in the bodie, and
thrust quite through the arme, the poore creature creeping
under a Cabbin for feare of their rigour : and as they
thrust at him, wounding him, he cried still. King James,
King James, King James his ship, King James his ship.
Thus having beaten us all downe under the Deckes,
presently they beat us up againe, and thrust us over-boord
into their Boate, and so sent us on boord of the Admirall
ship. Neither would they suffer any of us to speake a
word, to shew the cause of our passing the Seas in these
parts. Neyther regarded they any thing, our Commission
which the Captayne held forth unto them in his hand:
untill that the Admirall with the Company of foure other
of the ships, had rifled, spoyled, and delivered all the
Merchandize and goods of the ship among them : which
beeing done, they also divided us beeing thirtie persons
in all into the said five ships, by seven, six, five, and
foure to a ship.
Three of the former eight Sayle made Sayle away, and
never came neere us, neither were partakers of our spoyle.
Then they also repayred our Maine Sayle which was
torne with the shot aforesaid, and put their men into her.
And after because they could not make her to sayle well,
they tooke two of pur men, and put into her to helpe
288
HENRY CHALLONS a.d.
1606.
them, the other five ships and our ship kept company
two or three dayes together. After this they separated
themselves either from other, not through any tempest
or storme, but through wilfull negligence or simple
Ignorance, by shaping contrary courses the one from the
■other. So as not two of them kept company together.
My selfe and sixe more of our company in the Vice-
Admirall (of the burthen of one hundred and eightie
tunnes ; called the Peter of Sivill, the Captaynes name
was Andreas Barbear) beeing alone, and having lost the
company of the Fleet, continued our course untill the
middle of December : at which time being about twentie
leagues off from the He of Santa Maria, one of the lies
of the Azores, the Vice-Admiral and the whole company
disliking the great Ignorance of the Pilot, because he had
told them ten dayes before that he was very neere the
Hands, and had waited all this time, and could find any
of them, entreated me very earnestly to shew my skill.
And the Pilot himselfe brought mee his Instruments, and
besought mee most earnestly to assist him, and to appease
the company. Whereunto by there much importunitie
I yeelded. And by Gods assistance on Christmasse Eeve,
after our English account, I brought them safe to the
Barre of Saint Lucas, being the first ship of the whole
Fleet that arrived there.
One of the ships of this Fleet, by the great Ignorance
of the Spanish Masters, Pilots, and Mariners was driven
beyond all the Coast of Spaine, into Burdeaux in
"Gascoyne, In which shippe the OflScers of the Admiraltie French
of France, finding foure of our Englishmen prisoners ">'**'^"'-
under the Deckes in hold ; to wit, Master Daniell Tucker,
who was our Cape Merchant, Pierce Gliddon and two
others, did very friendly set them at libertie; and the
said Daniel Tucker presently arrested the Spanish ship
and goods beeing of great value, which of long time
remayneth under arrest.
The good Duke of Medina hearing of the arrivall of
certaine English prisoners taken here, the Coast of the
XIX 289 T
A°; PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
West Indies, sent command to the Captaynes of the
Spanish ships, to bring foure of the chiefest to be brought
before him. Whereupon my selfe. Master Thomas Saint
John, John Wakond our Steward, and William Stone
our Carpenter were brought before him. The ship
wherein Master Challons was, was not yet come.
Master David Nevill an Englishman dwelling in Saint
Lucas, was appointed our Interpreter. And then the
Duke required me upon my oath to yeeld a true and
faithfull answere, according to the whole state and manner
of our Voyage and proceedings, which I did, according
to the former Relation afore written, whereupon his
[IV. X. Excellencie replyed unto the Spanish Captaynes which
'^35-] had brought us, saying, if this bee true which this-
Englishman affirmeth, you have greatly wronged these
men. And so commanded them to provide meate, drinke>
and fit lodging for us, and to bring us againe the next
day before him. They sent us neverthelesse to Sivill,
where wee were brought to a Dutchmans house, called
Signior Petro, where we were reasonably lodged, and
entertayned that night.
The next morning being New yeeres day we were
brought before the President of Sivill, at the Contracta-
tion, who hearing of our comming, and not vouchsafing
to speake with us, sent foure Officers to us, and cast us
Their into Prison. Where for the space of five dayes wee had
imprisonment, publike allowance, but such as poore men which were
there Prisoners, also did of their mercie bestow on us.
At length after many humble Sutes, and earnest Petitions
exhibited to the President, we had a Riall of Plate allowed
to each man a day, which is sixe pence English, which
by reason of the dearth of all sorts of victuall in those
parts, will not goe so far as three pence in England.
And so at severall times, within one moneth after eleven
more of our Company were committed to Prison, as they
came home, whereof our Captaine was one. Notwith-
standing that the good Duke of Medina had discharged
both him and all those of his Company, which came into
290
HENRY CHALLONS a.d.
■1606.
Spaine with him, and willed him to goe home to the
Court of England, or to the Court of Spaine where he
thought to have best reliefe for his poore imprisoned
Company. Whereupon Nicholas Hine our Master, and
two more of our men wisely foreseeing what was like to
bee the Issue, made haste away out of the Citie, and so
got passage and escaped into England.
Before the comming of our Captaine to Sivill, my
selfe and eleven more of my Company were examined
before the President of the Contractation : who finding no
just cause of offence in us, did often earnestly examine
me of the manner and situation of the Countrie of
Virginia, together with the Commodities and benefit
thereof. And after the comming of our Captaine, they
likewise examined him to the same purpose. We
answered both to one purpose, according to our Com-
mission in writing, which the Spaniards at our taking
at Sea, had preserved and delivered up unto the hands
of the President. Within few dayes after, they gave our
Captaine and Master Thomas Saint John, libertie of
mayne Prison, upon the securitie of two English
Merchants, which were Master William Rapier, and
Master John Peckeford, whereof the later is dwelling
and maried in Sivill. The rest of the Company being
one and twentie in Prison, continued still in miserable
estate. And about two moneths after, Robert Cooke of Hard hearted
London one of our Company fell sick of a Fluxe, whereof Spaniard.
he languished three moneths and more, and by no meanes
that wee could make, could get him forth to bee cured,
although wee spent more then sixtie Rials in Supplicaves
and Sutes to get him out. At length being dead, they
caused his bodie to bee drawne up and downe the Prison Cruell
by the heeles, naked, in most contemptible manner, crying, '"imanitie.
Behold the Lutheran, as five others of our Company
beeing then in Prison beheld : and so laid him under
the Conduit, and powred water into his dead bodie. This
done, they cut off his Eares, Nose and Members, as the
Spaniards themselves confessed unto us, and so conveyed
291
AD; PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ij6o6.
his bodie wee could never learne whether, although we
proffered them money to have his dead corps to burie it.
Shortly after Nathaniel Humfrie our Boatswaine was
stabbed into the belly with a Knife by a Spaniard, which
was a slave in the Prison, and fourteene dayes after dyed,
who beeing dead I went unto the Keeper of the Prison,
desiring to buy his dead bodie to burie it, and so for
twenty Rials I bought his bodie, and buried it in the field.
Then we besought the President for Justice on this slave
which had slaine our Boatswaine : he demanded what we
would have of the slave. And we requested, that as he
had slaine an honest and worthy man of ours causelesse,
that hee might die for it according to the Law. The
President answered no, but if we would have him con-
demned for two or three yeares more to the Gallies he
Sfanish Presi- should. For said hee, The King of Spaine will not give
dents respect to the life of the worst Slave that he hath, for the best
the Engluh. Subject the King of England hath, and so sent us away
with this answere. Whereupon being out of all hope of
Honest Justice with the President, we repaired unto the Regent
pontar s. being an Ecclesiasticall man, one of the chiefest Judges
of the Citie, desiring likewise Justice on the Murtherer
aforesaid : who in kind tearmes promised us Justice, and
so willed us to retaine counsell and Atturnies to prosecute
our Sute ; which wee did accordingly, and so after two
moneths Sute, and the cost of more then two hundred
Rials on Lawyers, Scribes and other Officers at length
we had him hanged by the favour of the Regent, which
otherwise we had never obtained.
And now I may not omit to shew how I got the libertie
to have the scope of the Citie for my Race to come,
and go. Having beene three moneths in close Prison
with our poore company as aforesaid. At length I got
the favour of two Englishmen inhabiting in Sivill named
Constantine Collins, and Henry Roberts who did ingage
themselves for me. The Spaniards were very desirous
to have me to serve their State, and proffered me great
wages, which I refused to doe, affirming, that this
292
HENRY CHALLONS a.d.
1606.
imployment which I had in hand, was not yet ended
untill which time I would not determine any.
Then the Alcadie major of the Contractation House
and divers others Merchants perswaded me to make them
some descriptions and Maps of the Coast and parts of
Virginia, which I also refused to doe. They being
discontent with me, sent mee againe to Prison, where I
continued two and twentie dayes, and then I making [IV. x.
meanes unto my good friends borrowed money, and so 1836.]
gave divers bribes unto the keepers of the Prison, where-
upon they gave mee libertie to goe abroad againe into the
Citie at my pleasure. And wayting every day for some
order from the Court of Spaine oroxu: discharge, there
came none but delayes and prolonging of our troubles
and miseries. So as we began almost to despaire of
libertie.
At length an honest Dutch Merchant dwelling in Sivill,
named Hanse Eloyse, sent unto mee to speake with me,
which when I came unto him, signified unto me what he
had learned of one of the Judges of the Contractation :
who told him as he reported unto me, that the Spaniards
had a great hate unto me above all others, because they
understood that I had beene a former Discoverer in
Virginia, at the bringing into England of those Savages ;
and that they thought it was by my instigation to perswade
our State to inhabit those parts. And because they had
received so small knowledge of those parts by my con-
fession : and that they could not perswade mee to serve
that State, neither would make them any note draught,
or descriptions of the Countrie. They resolved to bring
to the Racke and torment me, whereby to draw some
fiirther knowledge by confession from me, before any
discharge might come for us. The which this honest
Merchant considering, and the Innocencie of our case,
gave me to understand. And wished mee rather to flic
and preserve my selfe, then to stand to their mercie on
the Racke, I hearing this the next morning, being the
three and twentieth of October, suddenly fled from SiviU,
293
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
and with me Master Thomas Saint John aforesaid, and
one other of our Company named James Stoneman my
Brother, whom through great cost and charges bestowed
on the Keepers of the Prison a little before I had got
forth to bee cured of a Callenture. Thus wee fled from
Sivill, leaving Master Henry Challons our Captaine at
libertie upon sureties, and sixteene more of our Company
in close Prison.
From thence on the five and twentieth of October,
wee came to a Mount in the Cundado, where finding no
passage by any shipping into England, France or Flanders.
Wee travelled through Algarvie, to the Port of Setunall,
and finding no passage there, wee travelled to Lisbone in
Portugall. Where wee arrived the one and thirtieth of
October, and there found ships readie bound to goe to
England, but the wind was contrary for fourteene dayes.
At the time of our abode at Lisbone, wee understood
that three Carrickes were come from the East Indies :
whereof one was arrived safely at Lisbone tenne dayes
before our comming thither. Another was driven to lee-
ward, and put in Veego, as wee heard. The third
Carracke beeing at the lie of Tercera, was so leake that
they could not bring her home into Portugall, but
unloaded her into three of the King of Spaines great
Armadoes, to bring the goods more safely to Lisbone.
Which Ships at their comming before the mouth of the
River of Lisbone in the night within three dayes after
Three skifs my comming thither, were all cast away on certaine
tastaway. shoaldes there called Oscachopos, or as wee commonly
call them the Catchops, where of nine hundred men, as
the Portugalls reported, but only thirtie seven were saved,
and of the goods very little at all : because the said ships
being cast away on the ebbe, the goods were driven off
into the Sea, the dead bodies of many that were drowned,
I my selfe saw cast on the shore with the sundry wrackes
of the parts of the Ships Masts and Yards, with other
wracke of Caske, Chists, and such like in great
abundance.
294
HENRY CHALLONS a.d.
1606.
The fourteenth day of November the winde being faire,
•wee tooke passage from Lisbone in a small Barke
belonging to Bidiford, called the Marget, and on the
foure and twentieth of the same we were landed at Saint
Ives in Cornwall, and from thence I hasted to Plimmouth,
where I shewed unto Sir Ferdinando Gorges and divers
others the Adventiorers, the whole Discourse of our
unhappie Voyage together with the miseries that wee had,
and did indure under the Spaniards hands. And then
hasted with all the speed I could toward the Court of
England, where I was assured to my great comfort ; that
they either were alreadie, or very shortly should bee
delivered.
Before my departure from Sivill, I should have
remembred, that about Whitsontide last there were
brought into the Prison of the Contractation there, two
young men brought out of the West Indies, in one of
the Kings Gallions, which were of Captaine John Legats Cap. John
company of Plimmouth, which departed out of England, ^'S"* of
about the latter end of July 1606. bound for the River ^^»'»««""^-
of Amazons, as hee told me before his going forth, where
hee had beene two yeeres before. And comming on the
Coast of Brasill as those young men (the name of one
of them is William Adams borne in Plumpton neere Mutine.
Plimmouth) reported unto mee whether falling to the Cap. Legat
leeward of the River of Amazons, or deceived by his ^t'^ine by Us
Master they knew not. And not being able to recover "'"f-"^'^"^"''
the said River, were constrayned to refresh in the West ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^
Indies, in which time there fell a great disorder betweene had dene to
the said Captaine Legat and his company, so as one of bring home
his company, in a broyle within themselves aboard there their ship, and
«hip, slue the said Captaine Legat, whether in his owne '^yA^,^^ ' "^
private quarrell or with the consent of the rest of the justicers. I
Company, they could not tell mee. But this is the more have heard
to bee suspected for that he alwayes in former Voyages *"" """^
dealt very straitly with his company. After his death ""fS'"
his company comming to the lie of Pinos, on the South- expert Sea-
side of Cuba, to refresh themselves, being eighteene man.
29s
A°; PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1606.
persons were circumvented by the trecherie of the
Spaniards, and were there betrayed, and taken Prisoners :
[IV. X. a,nd within foure dayes after, of eighteene persons,.
37-J fourteene were hanged the other foure being youths were
saved to serve the Spaniards, whereof, two of them,
refusing to serve longer in there ships, were put into
the Prison at Sivill, the other two remayne still as slaves
to the Spaniards.
This I had the rather noted to the end that it may be
the better considered what numbers of ships and men
have gone out of England, since the conclusion of peace
betweene England and Spaine, in the way of honest
Trade and Traffique, and how many of them have
miserably miscarried. Having beene slaine, drowned,
hanged or pittifuUy captived, and thrust out of their
ships and all their goods.
REader, I had by me the Voyage of Captaine Thomas
Hanham, (written by himselfe) unto Sagadahoc : also
the written Journals of Master Raleigh Gilbert which
stayed and fortified there in that unseasonable Winter
(fit to freeze the heart of a Plantation) of James Davies,
John Eliot, &c. but our voluminousnesse makes me afraid
of offending nicer and queasier stomackes : for which
cause I have omitted them, even after I had with great
labour fitted them to the Presse : as I have also done a.
written large Tractate of Mawaushen, and the Voyage
of Master Edward Harlie (one of the first Planters witk
Cap. Popham) and Nicholas Hobson to those parts 1 6 1 1 .
with divers Letters from Cap. Popham and others. You
must observe, that it was in those times called by the
name of Virginia, and the Northerne Plantation or
Colonic. But Captaine Smith (a man which hath so
many Irons in our fire) presented a Booke of the Countrie
to Prince Charles his Highnesse, with a Map of the
Countrey, who stiled it (as our hopes are, he will one
day make it) New England, and altered the Savage names
of places to English. Hee made one Voyage thither,,
296
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH
Anno 1 6 14. and the next yeere beganne another, which
taken by Frenchmen, he was not able to make up : but
in testimonie of his love to his Countrey here, and of his
hopes there hath written divers Bookes, One called A
Description of New England (in which his said Voyages
are described, with the description of the Countrey and
many Arguments to incite men to that undertaking ;
which I had also prepared for the Presse, but for the
former feares have omitted) the other called New
Englands Trials twice or thrice printed, out of which I
have added thus much, that the World may see the
benefit to bee made by fishing, and may also be better
acquainted with the successe and succession of New
Englands Affaires.
Chap. III.
Extracts of a Booke of Captaine John Smith,
printed 1622. called New Englands tryalls, and
continuing the Storie thereof, with Motives to
the businesse of fishing there.
The benefit of fishing, as Master Dee reporteth in
his Brittish Monarchic.
E saith that it is more then foure and
fortie yeeres agoe, and it is more then
fortie yeeres since he writ it, that the
Herring Busses out of the Low-countries,
under the King of Spaine, were five
hundred, besides one hundred French-
men, and three or foure hundred Sayle
of Flemmings.
The Coasts of Wales and Lancashire was used by three
hundred Sayle of strangers.
Ireland and Baltemore fraugted yeerly three hundred
Sayle of Spaniards, where King Edward the Sixt intended
to have made a strong Castle, because of the Strait, ,to
have Tribute for fishing.
?97 J^-
A.D.
1622.
-^D PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
Blacke Rocke was yeerely fished by three or foure
hundred Sayle of Spaniards, Portugals, and Biskiners.
Master Gentleman, and many Fisher-men and Fish-
mongers, with whom I have conferred, report. The
Hollanders raise yeerely by Herring, Cod, and Ling,
3000000. pounds.
English and French by Salt-fish, Poore John, Salmons,
and Pilchards, 300000. pounds.
Hamborough and the Sound, for Sturgion, Lobsters
and Eeles, 1 00000. pounds.
Cape Blanke for Tunny and MuUit, by the Biskiners
and Spaniards, 30000. pounds.
But divers other learned experienced Observers say,
though it may seeme incredible, That the Duke of Medina
receiveth yeerely tribute of the Fishers for Tunny, Mullit
and Purgos, more then loooo. pounds.
Lubeck hath seven hundred Ships : Hamborough six
hundred : Embden lately a Fisher Towne, one thousand
foure hundred, whose Customes by the profit of fishing
hath made them so powerfuU as they bee.
Holland and Zealand, not much greater then Yorke-
[IV. X. shire, hath thirtie walled Townes, foure hundred Villages,
1838.] 20000. saile of Ships and Hoyes ; thirtie sixe thousand
are Fisher-men, whereof one hundred are Doggers, seven
hundred Pinkes and Wel-boates, seven hundred Frand
Boates, Britters and Tode-boats, with one thousand three
hundred Busses, besides three hundred that yeerely fish
about Yarmouth, where they sell their Fish for Gold ;
and fifteene yeeres ago they had more then 11 6000. Sea-
faring men.
The fishing shippes doe take yeerely two hundred
thousand Last of fish, twelve barrels to a Last, which
amounted to 3000000. pounds by the Fishermens price,
that fourteene yeeres agoe did pay for their Tenths
300000. pound ; which venting in Pumerland, Sprussia,
Denmarke, Lefland, Russia, Swethland, Germany, Nether-
lands, England, or else-where &c. make their returnes in
a yeere about 7000000. pounds ; and yet in Holland they
298
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH ad.
1622.
have neither matter to build ships, nor Merchandize to
set them forth ; yet by their industrie they as much
increase, as other Nations decay. But leaving these
uncertainties as they are, of this I am certaine :
That the Coast of England, Scotland, and Ireland, the
North Sea, with Ireland and the Sound, New-found-land,
and Cape Blanke, doe serve all Europe, as well the Land
Townes as Ports, and all the Christian shipping, with
these sorts of Staple fish which is transported, from whence
it is taken, many a thousand mile, viz. Herring, Salt-fish,
Poore John, Sturgion, Mullit, Tunny, Porgos, Caviare,
Buttargo.
Now seeing all these sorts of fish, or the most part of
them, may be had in a Land more fertile, temperate, and
plentifuU of all necessaries for the building of ships,
Boates, and houses, and the nourishment of man ; the
Seasons are so proper, and the fishings so neere the
habitations, we may there make, that New England hath
much advantage of the most of those parts, to serve all
Europe far cheaper then they can, who at home have
neither Wood, Salt, nor Food, but at great rates ; at Sea
nothing but what they carrie in their ships, an hundred
or two hundred leagues from their habitation.
But New Englands fishings is neere land, where is .
helpe of Wood, Water, Fruites, Fowles, Corne, or
other refreshings needfuU ; and the Terceras, Mederas,
Canaries, Spaine, Portugall, Provance, Savoy, Sicilia, and
all Italy, as convenient Markets for our dry fish, greene
iish, Sturgion, Mullit, Caviare, and Buttargo, as Norway,
Swethland, Littuania, or Germany, for their Herring,
"which is here also in abundance for taking, they returning
but Wood, Pitch, Tarre, Sope-ashes, Cordage, Flaxe,
Waxe, and such like Commodities : we, Wines, Oyles,
Sugars, Silkes, and such Merchandize as the Straits
afFoord, whereby our profit may equalize theirs ; besides
the increase of shipping and Mariners. And for proofe
hereof: Pmfe i.
With two ships sent out at the charge of Captaine 1614.
299
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
■1022.
Marmadulce Roydon, Captaine George Langam, Master
John Buley and W. Skelton, I went from the Downes the
third of March, and arrived in New England the last of
April, where I was to have stayed but with ten men to
keepe possession of those large Territories. Had the
Whales proved, as curious information had assured mee
and my Adventures, (but those things failed.) So having
but fortie five men and boyes, we built seven Boates, thirtie
seven did fish : my selfe with eight others ranging the
Coast, I tooke a plot of what I could see, got acquaintance
of the Inhabitants ; 1 1 oo. Bever skinnes, a hundred
Martines, and as many Otters. Fortie thousand of dry
fish wee sent for Spaine, with the Salt-fish, traine Oyle
and Furres, I returned for England the eighteenth of
July, and arrived safe with my Company the latter end
of August. Thus in sixe moneths I made my Voyage
out and home ; and by the labour of five and fortie, got
neere the value of fifteene hundred pounds in tTiose
grosse Commodities. This yeere also one went from
Plimmouth, set out by divers of the He of Wight, and
the West Countrie, by the directions and instructions
of Sir Ferdinando Gorge, spent their victuals, and
returned with nothing.
Proofe 2. The Virginia Company upon this sent foure good ships j
i^'S- and because I would not undertake it for them, having
ingaged my selfe to them of the West, the Londoners
entertained the men that came home with me. They
set sayle in January, and arrived there in March ; they
found fish enough untill halfe June, fraughted a ship of
three hundred tunnes, went for Spaine, which was taken
by the Turkes ; one went to Virginia to relieve that
Colonie, and two came for England with the greene fish,,
traine Oyle and Furres within six moneths.
Proofe 3. In January with two hundred pounds in cash for
161 5. adventure, and six Gentlemen well furnished, I went from
London to the foure Ships was promised, prepared for
mee in the West Countrey, but I found no such matter \
notwithstanding at the last, with a labyrinth of trouble I
300
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH a.d.
1622.
-went from Plimoth, with a Ship of two hundred Tunnes,
and one of fiftie: when the fishing was done onely with
fifteene I was to stay in the Countrey ; but ill weather
breaking all my Masts, I was forced to returne to Plimoth,
where rather then lose all, reimbarking my selfe in a
Barke of sixtie Tuns, how I escaped the English Pyrats
and the French, and was betrayed by foure Frenchmen of
War, I refer you to the description of New England :
but my Vice-Admirall, notwithstanding the latenesse of
the yeere, setting forth with me in March, the Londoners
in January, shee arrived in May, they in March, yet
came home well fraught in August, and all her men well,
within five moneths, odde dayes. ^^.^^
The Londoners ere I returned from France, for all 161 6.
their losse by the Turkes, which was valued about foure [IV. x.
thousand pounds sent two more in July ; but such courses '839.]
they tooke by the Canaries to the West Indies, it was
ten moneths ere they arrived in New England, wasting
in that time their seasons, victuall, and health, yet there
they found meanes to refresh themselves, and the one
returned, neere fraught with Fish and Traine, within two
moneths after.
From Plimoth went foure Ships, onely to Fish and Proofe 5.
Trade, some in February, some in March, one of two '^■°-
hundred Tuns got thither in a moneth, and went full
fraught for Spaine, the rest returned to Plimoth well
firaught, and their men well, within five moneths, odde
dayes.
From London went two more, one of two hundred Proofe 6.
Tuns, got thither in sixe weekes, and within sixe weekes •6i6.
after, with fortie foure men and boyes was full fi-aught,
and returned againe into England within five moneths
and a few dayes ; the other went to the Canaries with
dry fish, which they sold at a great rate, for Rials of
eight, and as I heard turned Pyrats.
I being at Plimoth provided with three good Ships, Proofe 7.
yet but fifteene men to stay with me in the Countrey, '^i7-
Tvas Wind-bound three moneths, as was many a hundred
301
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
saile more, so that the season being past, the Ships went
for New-found-land, whereby my designe was frustrate,,
which was to me and my friends no small losse, in regard
whereof here the Westerne Commissioners, in the behalfe
of themselves and the rest of the Company, contracted,
with me by Articles indented under our hands, to be
Admirall of that Country during my life, and in the
renewing of their Letters Patents so to be nominated,
halfe the fruites of our endevours theirs, the rest our
owne ; being thus ingaged ; now the businesse doth
prosper, some of them would willingly forget mee ; but
I am not the first they have deceived.
Proofe 8. There was foure good Ships prepared at Plimoth, but
i6i8. ijy reason of their disagreement, the season so wasted, as.
onely two went forward, the one being of two hundred
Tunnes, returned well fraught for Plimoth, and her men
in health, within five moneths ; the other of eightie Tuns,
went for Bilbow with dry fish, and made a good returne.
In this voyage Edward Rowcroft, alias Stallings, a valiant
Souldier, that had beene with mee in Virginia, and seven
yeeres after went with mee from Plimoth towardes New
England, with Thomas Darmer, an understanding and
an industrious Gentleman to inhabite it ; all whose
names, with our proceedings, you may read at large in
my description of New England, upon triall before the
Judge of the Admiraltie, how when wee had past the
worst, for pure cowardise the Master and Sailer ran away
with the Ship and all I had, and left mee alone among
eight or nine Frenchmen of War, in the yeere 161 5.
This Stallings went now againe in those Ships, and having
some wrong off^ered him in New England by a French-
man, he tooke him, and as he writ to mee, he went with
her to Virginia with fish, to trade with them for such
commodities as they might spare ; hee knew both these
Countries well, yet hee promised mee the next Spring
to meete mee in New England ; but the Ship and he
Pmfe 9. perished in Virginia.
1 61 9. This yeere againe, divers Ships intending to goe from
302
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH a.d.
1622.
Plimoth, so disagreed, as there went but one of two
hundred Tunnes, who stayed in the Countrey about six
weekes, with thirtie eight men and boyes, had her fraught,
which shee sold at the first peny, for two thousand one
hundred pounds, besides the Furs : so that every poore
Sayler, that had but a single share, had his charges, and
sixteene pound ten shillings, for his seven moneths worke.
M. Thomas Darmer, having lived about a yeere in New-
found-land, returning to Plimoth, went for New England
in this Ship, and not onely confirmes what I have writ,
but so much more approved of it, that he stayed there
with five or six men in a little Boat ; finding two or
three Frenchmen among the Savages, who had lost their
Ship, augmented his company, with whom hee ranged
the Coast to Virginia, where he was kindly welcommed
and well refreshed ; thence returned to New England
againe, where having beene a yeere, in his backe returne
to Virginia, he was so wounded by the Savages, hee dyed
upon it, them escaped were relieved at Virginia. Let
not men attribute their great adventures and untimely
deaths to unfortunatenesse, but rather wonder how God
did so long preserve them, with so small meanes to doe
so much, leaving the fruites of their labours, to bee an
encouragement to those our poore undertakings ; and
this for advantage as they writ unto mee, that God had
laid this Countrey open for us, and slaine the most part
of the Inhabitants by crueU Wars and a mortall disease ;
for where I had seene one hundred or two hundred people,
there is scarce ten to bee found. From Pembrocks Bay,
to Harrintons Bay, there is not twentie ; from thence to
Cape Anne, some thirtie ; from Taulbuts Bay to the
River Charles, about fortie, and not any of them touched
with any sicknesse, but one poore Frenchman that dyed.
For to make triall this yeere, there is gone sixe or Proofe 10.
seven sayle from the West Countrey, onely to fish, three '^^o.
of whom are returned, and as I was certainly informed,
made so good a voyage, that every Sayler for a single share
had twentie pounds for his seven moneths worke, which
303
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
ID22.
is more then in twentie months hee should have gotten,
had he gone for wages any where. Now, though all the
former Ships have not made such good voyages, as they
expected, by sending opinionated unskilfuU men, that
had not experienced diligence to save that they tooke,
nor take that there was ; which now patience and practise
hath brought to a reasonable kinde of perfection : in
despite of all detractors and calumniations, the Country
yet hath satisfied all, the defect hath bin in their using
or abusing it, not in it selfe nor mee.
[IV. X. T TPon these inducements, some few well disposed
^Hp-] KJ Gentlemen and Merchants of London and other
in New " ""' P^^'^^^ provided two Ships, the one of one hundred and
England. sixtie Tuns, the other of seventie ; they left the Coast
Proofe II. of England the three and twentieth of August, with
1620. about one hundred and twentie persons, but the next day
the lesser Ship sprung a leake, that forced their returne
to Plimouth, where discharging her and twentie Passengers,
with the great Ship, and a hundred persons besides
Sailers, they set saile againe the sixth of September, and
the ninth of November fell with Cape James ; but being
pestred nine weekes in this leaking unwholsome Ship,
lying wet in their Cabbins, most of them grew very
weake and weary of the Sea, then for want of experience
ranging to and againe sixe weekes before they found a
place they liked to dwell on, forced to lie on the bare
ground without coverture in the extremitie of Winter,
fortie of them dyed, and sixtie were left in very weake
estate at the Ships comming away, about the fifth of April
following, and arrived in England the sixth of May.
Proofe 12. Immediately after her arrivall from London, they sent
1620. another of fiftie five Tuns to supply them, with thirtie
seven persons, they set saile in the beginning of July, but
being crossed by Westerly winds, it was the end of
August ere they could passe Plimouth, and arrived at
New Plimouth in New England the eleventh of
November, where they found all the people they left
304
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH a.b.
1622.
In April, as is said, lusty and in good health, except six
that dyed. Within a moneth they returned here for
England, laded with Clapboord, Wainscot, and Walnut,
with about three Hogsheads of Beaver skins, and some
Saxefras, the thirteenth of December, and drawing neere
our Coast, was taken by a Frenchman, set out by the
Marquis of Cera Governour of He Deu, on the Coast of
Poytou, where they kept the Ship, imprisoned the Master
and Companie, tooke from them to the value of about
five hundred pounds ; and after fourteene dayes sent them
home with a poore supply of Victuall, their owne being
devoured by the Marquis and his hungry servants ; they
arrived at London the fourteenth of Februarie, leaving
all them they found and carried to New England, well
and in health, with victuall and Corne sufficient till the
next Harvest.
The Copie of a Letter sent by this Ship.
LOving Cousin, at our arrivall at New Plimoth in a Letter from
New England, wee found all our Friends and Planters i^ew Plimoth.
in good health, though they were left sicke and weake
with very small meanes, the Indians round about us
peaceable and friendly, the Countrey very pleasant and
temperate, yeelding naturally of it selfe great store of
fruits, as Vines of divers sorts in great abundance ; there
is likewise Walnuts, Chesnuts, Small-nuts and Plums,
with much varietie of Flowers, Roots, and Hearbs, no
lesse pleasant then wholsome and profitable : no place
hath more Goose-berries, and Straw-berries, nor better ;
Timber of all sorts you have in England, doth cover the
Land, that affords Beasts of divers sorts, and great
flockes of Turkies, Quailes, Pigeons and Partridges :
Many great Lakes abounding with Fish, Fowle, Beavers,
and Otters. The Sea affoords us as great plentie of all
excellent sorts of Sea-fish, as the Rivers and lies doth
varietie of wild Fowle of most usefull sorts. Mynes we
find to our thinking, but neither the goodnesse nor
qualitie wee know. Better Graine cannot be then the
xi3^ 3°5 u
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
Indian Corne, if we will plant it upon as good ground
as a man need desire. Wee are all Free-holders, the rent
day doth not trouble us, and all those good blessings we
have, of which and what wee list in their seasons for
taking. Our company are for most part very religious
honest people ; the Word of God sincerely taught us
every Sabbath : so that I know not any thing a contented
mind can here want. I desire your friendly care to send
my Wife and Children to mee, where I wish all the
Friends I have in England, and so I rest
Your loving Kinsman William Hilton,
Pnqfe 13. From the West Countrey went ten or twelve Ships to
1022. Fish, which were all well fraughted ; those that came first
at Bilbow, made seventeene pounds a single share, besides
Beaver, Otters, and Martins skins ; but some of the rest
that came to the same Ports, that were already furnished,
so glutted the Market, their price was abated, yet all
returned so well contented, they are a preparing to goe
againe.
For this yeere There is gone from the West of England onely to fish,
• thirtie five Ships, and about the last of April two more
from London, the one of one hundred Tuns, the other of
thirtie, with some sixtie Passengers to supply the Planta-
tion with all necessary provisions. Now though the
Turke and French hath beene somewhat too busie, would
all the Christian Princes but bee truly at unitie, as his
Royall Majesty our Soveraigne Lord and King desireth,
seventie saile of good Ships were sufficient to fire the
most of his Coasts in the Levant, and make such a guard
in the straits of Hellespont, as would make the Great
Turke himselfe more afraid in Constantinople, then the
smallest Red Crosse crosses the Seas would be, either
of any French, Piccaroun, or the Pyrates of Argere.
An Abstract of Letters sent from the Colony in
New England, July sixteene, 1622.
riV. X. Since the newes of the Massacre in Virginia, though the
1 841.] Indians continue their wonted friendship, yet are wee
3P6
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH ad.
1622.
more wary of them then before; for their hands have
beene embrued in much English bloud, onely by too much
confidence, but not by force.
Here I must intreat a little your favours to digresse.
They did not kill the English, because they were
Christians, but for their weapons and commodities, that
were rare novelties; but now they feare we may beat
them out of their Dens, which Lions and Tygers would
not admit but by force. But must this be an argument
for an Englishman, or discourage any either in Virginia
or New England ? No : for I have tried them both.
For Virginia, I kept that Countrey, with thirtie eight,
and had not to eate but what we had from the Savages.
When I had ten men able to go abroad, our Common-
wealth was very strong: with such a number I ranged
that unknowne Countrey fourteene weekes; I had but
eighteen to subdue them all, with which great Army I
stayed sixe weeks before their greatest Kings habitations,
till they had gathered together all the power they could ;
and yet the Dutchmen sent at a needlesse excessive charge
did helpe Powhatan how to betray mee.
Of their numbers wee were uncertaine ; but those two
honourable Gentlemen, Captaine George Percie, and
Captaine Francis West, two of the Phittiplaces, and some
other such noble Gentlemen and resolute spirits bore their
shares with me, and now living in England, did see me
take this murdering Opechankanough, now their Great Opechama-
King by the long lock on his head, with my Pistoll at his ^"^gh taken in
breast, I led him among his greatest forces, and before /j's'^rmie as
wee parted, made him fill our Barke of twentie Tuns jtabalipawas
with Corne. When their owne wants was such, I have by Pifarra.
given them part again in pitty, & others have bought it
again to plant their fields. For wronging a Souldier but
the value of a peny, I have caused Powhatan send his
own men to James Town to receive their punishment, at
my discretion. It is true in our greatest extremity they
shot me, slue three of my men, and by the folly of them
that fled tooke me prisoner; yet God made Pocahontas
30;
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
the Kings Daughter tihe meanes to deliver me : and
thereby taught mee to know their treacheries to preserve
the rest. It was also my chance in single combate to
take the King of Paspahegh prisoner, and by keeping
him, forced his subjects to worke in Chaines, till I made
all the Countrey pay contribution, having little else
whereon to live.
Twice in this time I was their President, & none can
say in all that time I had a man slain : but for keeping
them in that feare I was much blamed both there and
heere : yet I left five hundred behind mee that through
their confidence in sixe monethes came most to confusion,
as you may reade at large in the description of Virginia,
when I went first to those desperate designes, it cost me
many a forgotten pound to hire men to goe ; and
procrastination caused more runne away then went. But
after the Ice was broken, came many brave Voluntaries :
notwithstanding since I came from thence, the Honorable
Company have beene humble Suters to his Majestic to
get Vagabonds and condemned men to goe thither; nay,
so much scorned was the name of Virginia, some did
chuse to be hanged ere they would goe thither, and were :
yet for all the worst of spite, detraction and discourage-
ment, and this lamentable Massacre, there are more honest
men now suters to goe, then ever have been constrained
knaves ; and it is not unknowne to most men of under-
standing, how happy many of those Callumners doe
thinke themselves, that they might bee admitted, and
yet pay for their passage to goe now to Virginia : and
had I but meanes to transport as many as would goe, I
might have choice of ten thousand that would gladly bee
in any of those new places, which were so basely con-
temned by ungratefuU base minds.
To range this Countrie of New England, in like
manner I had but eight, as is said, and amongst their
bruite conditions I met many of their silly incounters, and
without any hurt, God be thanked : when your West
Countrie men were many of them wounded, and much
308
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH ad.
1622.
tormented with the Savages that assaulted their Ship, as
they did say themselves, in the first yeare I was there
1 6 14. and though Master Hunt then Master with me,
did most basely in stealing some Savages from that coast
to sell, when he was directed to have gone for Spaine,
yet that place was so remote from Capawuck, where
Epenew should have fraughted them with Gold Ore,
that his fault could be no cause of their bad successe,
however it is alledged for an excuse. I speake not this
out of vain glory, as it may be some gleaners, or some was
never there, may censure mee: but to let all men be
assured by those examples, what those Savages are that
thus strangely doe murder and betray our Countrie men.
But to the purpose.
What is already writ of the healthfulnesse of the ayre,
the richnesse of the soyle, the goodnesse of the Woods,
the abundance of Fruits, Fish, and Fowle in their season,
they still affirme that have beene there now neer two
yeeres, and at one draught they have taken one thousand
Basses, and in one night twelve hogsheads of Herring.
They are building a strong Fort, they hope shortly to
finish, in the interim they are well provided : their number
is about a hundred persons, all in health, and well neere
sixtie Acres of ground well planted with Corne, besides
their Gardens well replenished with usefull fruits ; and
if their Adventurers would but furnish them with neces-
saries for fishing, their wants would quickly bee supplied.
To supply them this sixteenth of October, is going the
Paragon, with sixtie seven persons, and all this is done
by private mens purses. And to conclude in their owne
words, should they write of all plenties they have found,
they thinke they should not be beleeved.
For the twentie sixe sayle of Ships, the most I can
yet understand is. M. Ambrose Jennens of London,
and Master Abraham Jennens of Plimmoth sent (their [IV. x.
Abraham) a Ship of two hundred and twentie Tuns, and 1842.]
the Nightingale of Porchmouth of a hundred : whose
Fish at the first penie came to 3 1 50 pounds : in all they
309
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
were five and thirty saile : and wherein New found Land
they shared sixe or seven pounds for a common man, in
New England they shared fourteene pounds ; besides six
Dutch and French Ships made wonderfull returnes in
1622. Furres.
Thus you may see plainely the yearely successe from
New England (by Virginia) which hath bin so costly to
this Kingdome, and so deare to me, which either to see
perish or but bleede, pardon me though it passionate me
beyond the bounds of modesty, to have bin sufficiently
able to foresee it, and had neither power nor meanes how
to prevent it. By that acquaintance I have with them,
I may call them my children, for they have bin my Wife,
my Hawkes, my Hounds, my Cards, my Dice, and in
totall my best content, as indifferent to my heart as my
left hand to my right: and notwithstanding all those
miracles of disasters have crossed both them and me, yet
were there not one Englishman remaining (as God be
thanked there is some thousands) I would yet begin againe
with as small meanes as I did at the first ; not for that
I have any secret encouragement from any I protest, more
then lamentable experiences: for all their Discoveries I
can yet heare of, are but Pigs of my owne Sowe ; nor
more strange to me then to heare one tell mee he hath
gone from Billings gate and discovered Greenwich,
Gravesend, Tilberry, Quinborow, Lee and Margit, which
to those did never heare of them, though they dwell in
England, might be made seeme some rare secrets and
great Countries unknowne, except the Relation of Master
Dirmer. But to returne: It is certaine, from Cannada
and New England within these sixe yeares, hath come
neere 20000. Bever Skins. Now had each of those Ships
transported but some small quantitie of the most
increasing Beasts, Fowles, Fruites, Plants and Seedes,
as I projected, by this time their increase might have
bin sufficient for a thousand men. But the desire of
present gaine (in many) is so violent, and the endevours
of many undertakers so negligent, every one so regarding
310
CAPTAIN JOHN SMITH a,d.
1622.
their private gaine, that it is hard to effect any publicke
good, and impossible to bring them into a body, rule,
or order, unlesse both authority and money assist
experiences. It is not a worke for every one to plant a
Colony ; but when a House is built, it is no hard matter
to dwell in it. This requireth all the best parts of art,
judgement, courage, honesty, constancy, diligence and
experience to doe but neere well: your home-bred
ingrossing projectors shall finde there a great difference
betwixt saying and doing. But to conclude, the Fishing
will goe forward if you plant it or no ; whereby a Colonie
may be transported with no great charge, that in a short
time might provide such fraughts to buy of us there
dwelling, as I would hope no Ship should goe or come
empty from New England.
The charge of this is onely Salt, Nets, Hookes, Lines,
Knives, Irish Rugs, course Cloath, Beades, Glasse, and
such like trash, onely for fishing and trade with the
Savages, beside our owne necessary provisions, whose
endevours will quickly defray all this charge : and the
Savages have intreated me to inhabite where I will. Now
all these Ships, till this last yeare, have bin fished within
a square of two or three leagues, and not one of them
all would adventure any further, where questionlesse five
hundred saile may have their fraught better then in Island,
New found Land, or elsewhere, and be in their markets
before the other can have their fish in their Ships, because
New Englands fishing begins with February, the other
not till mid May : the progression hereof tends much
to the advancement of Virginia and the Bermudas, whose
emptie Ships may take in their fraught there, and would
be a good friend in time of neede to the Inhabitants of
New found Land, &c.
3"
A.D.
1622.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
No. 9. Cafe
Cod.
Chap. nil.
A Relation or Journall of a Plantation setled at
Plimoth in New England, and proceedings
thereof; Printed 1622. and here abbreviated.
Sept.e.iSzo. Ilc^ ifarcT'/^^Ednesday the sixt of September, the
Winde comming East North-east, a fine
small gale, we loosed from Plimoth,
having bin kindely entertained and
curteously used by divers friends there
dwelling, and after many difficulties in
boisterous stormes, at length by Gods
providence upon the ninth of November following, by
breake of the day we espied Land, which we deemed to
be Cape Cod, and so afterward it proved. Upon the
eleventh of November, we came to an anchor in the Bay,
which is a good harbour and pleasant Bay, circled round,
except in the entrance, which is about foure miles over
from land to land, compassed about to the verie Sea with
Oakes, Pines, Juniper, Sassafras, and other sweete Wood :
it is a harbour wherein 1000. saile of Ships may safely
ride, there wee relieved our selves with Wood and Water,
and refreshed our people, while our Shallop was fitted to
coast the Bay, to search for an habitation : there was the
greatest store of Fowle that ever we saw.
[IV. X. And everie day we saw Whales playing hard by us, of
1843-] which in that place, if wee had instruments and meanes
to take them, we might have made a verie rich returne,
which to our great griefe we wanted. Our Master and
his Mate, and others experienced in fishing, professed,
wee might have made three or foure thousand pounds
worth of Oyle ; they preferred it before Greenland
Whale-fishing, and purpose the next winter to fish for
Whale here : for Cod we assaied, but found none, there
is good store no doubt in their season. Neither got we
anie fish all the time we lay there, but some few little
ones on the shoare. We found great Mussles, and verie
312
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH ad.
1622.
fat and full of Sea Pearle, but we could not eate them,
for they made us all sicke that did eate, as well sailers
as passengers ; they caused to cast and scoure, but they
were soone well againe. The Bale is so round and
circling, that before we could come to anchor, we went
round all the points of the Compasse. We could not
come neere the shoare by three quarters of an English
mile, because of shallow water, which was a great prejudice /// Landing.
to us, for our people going on shoare were forced to wade
a Bow shoote or two in going aland, which caused manie
to get colds and coughs, for it was manie times freezing
cold weather.
This day before we came to harbour, observing some
not well affected to unitie and concord, but gave some
appearance of faction, it was thought good there should
be an association and agreement, that we should combine
together in one bodie, and to submit to such government
and Governours, as we should by common consent agree
to make and choose, and set our hands to this that followes
word for word.
IN the name of God, Amen. We whose names
are underwritten, the loyall Subjects of our dread
Soveraigne Lord King James, by the grace of God of
Great Britaine, France, and Ireland King, Defender of
the Faith, &c. Having undertaken for the glorie of God,
and advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of
our King and Countrie, a Voiage to plant the first Colonie
in the Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents
solemnely and mutually in the presence of God and
one of another, covenant and combine our selves together
in a civiU bodie politike, for our better ordering and
preservation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and
by vertue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame such
just and equall Lawes, Ordinances, acts, constitutions,
offices from time to time, as shall be thought most meete
and convenient for the generall good of the Colonie :
unto which wee promise all due submission and obedience.
313
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
In witnesse whereof we have here under suscribed our
names. Cape Cod eleventh of November, in the yeare
of the raigne of our Soveraigne Lord King James, of
England, France and Ireland, i8. and of Scotland 54.
Anno Domino 1620.
The same day so soone as we could we set ashoare
fifteene or sixteene men, well armed, with some to fetch
Wood, for we had none left ; as also to see what the
Land was, and what Inhabitants they could meete with,
they found it to be a small necke of Land : on this side
where we lay is the Bay, and the furthest side the Sea:
the ground or earth, sand hils, much like the Downes
in Holland, but much better: the crust of the earth a
Spits depth, excellent blacke earth: all woodded with
Oakes, Pines, Sassafras, Juniper, Birch, Holly, Vines,
some Ash, Walnut ; the Wood for the most part open
and without under-wood, fit either to goe or ride in : at
night our people returned, but found not anie person,
nor habitation, and laded their Boate with Juniper, which
smelled verie sweete and strong, and of which wee burnt
the most part of the time we &y there.
Munday the thirteenth of November, we unshipped
our Shallop, and drew her on land, to mend and repaire
her, having bin forced to cut her downe in bestowing
her betwixt the decks, and she was much opened with
the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there, for
it was sixteene or seventeene dales before the Carpenter
had finished her: our people went on shoare to refresh
themselves, and our women to wash, as they had great
neede : but whilest wee lay thus still, hoping our Shallop
would be readie in five or six dales at the fiarthest, but
our Carpenter made slow worke of it, so that some of
our people impatient of delay, desired for our better
furtherance to travaile by Land into the Countrie, which
was not without appearance of danger, not having the
Shallop with them, nor meanes to carrie provision, but
on their backes, to see whether it might be fit for us to
seate in or no, and the rather because as we sailed into
314
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
the Harbour, there seemed to be a River opening it selfe
into the maine Land ; the willingnesse of the persons
was liked, but the thing it selfe, in regard of the danger
was rather permitted then approved, and so with cautions,
directions, and instructions, sixteene men were set out
with every man his Musket, Sword, and Corslet, under
the conduct of Captaine Miles Standish, unto whom was
adjoyned for counsell and advise, William Bradford,
Stephen Hopkins, and Edward Tilley.
Wednesday the fifteenth of November, they were set
a shoare, and when they had ordered themselves in order
of a single File, and marched about the space of a mile,
by the Sea they espied five or six people, with a Dogge, SigAi of
comraing towards them, who were Savages, who when Savages.
they saw them, ran into the Woods and whistled the
Dogge after them, &c. First, they supposed them to be
Master Jones, the Master and some of his men, for they
were a shoare, and knew of their comming : but after
they knew them to be Indians they marched after them
into the Woods, least other of the Indians shovdd lye [iv. x.
in Ambush : but when the Indians saw our men following ' 844]
them, they ran away with might and maine ; and our
men turned out of the Wood after them, for it was the
way they intended to goe, but they could not come neere
them. They followed them that night about ten miles
by the trace of their footings, & saw how they had come
the same way they went, and at a turning perceived how
they ranne up an hill, to see whether they followed them.
At length night came upon them, and they were con-
strained to take up their lodging^ so they set forth three
Sentinels, and the rest, some kindled a fire, and others
fetched Woods & there held our Randevous that night.
In the morning so soone as we could see the trace, we
proceeded on our journie, and had the tracke untill wee
had compassed the head of a long creake, and there they
tooke into another Wood, and we after them, supposing
to finde some of their dwellings, but we marched thorow
Boughes and Bushes, and under Hils and Vallies, which
31S
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
tore our verie Armour in peeces, and yet could meete
with none of them, nor their houses, nor finde any fresh
water, which we greatly desired, and stood in neede off,
for we brought neither Beere nor Water with us, and
our victuals was onely Bisket and Holland-Cheese, and
a little Bottell of Aquavite, so as we were sore a thirst.
About ten a clocke we came into a deepe Valley, full of
brush, wood-gaile, and long grasse, through which wee
A Deere end found little paths or tracts, and there we saw a Deere,
"""^'■- and found Springs of fresh Water, of which we were
hartily glad, and sat us downe and drunke our first New
England Water, with as much delight as ever we drunke
drinke in all our lives.
When we had refreshed our selves, we directed our
course full South, that wee might come to the shoare,
which within a short while after we did, and there made
a fire, that they in the Ship might see where we were
(as wee had direction) and so marched on towards this
supposed River : and as we went in another Valley, we
found a fine cleere Pond of fresh water, being about a
Musket shot broad, and twise as long : there grew also
many small Vines, and Fowle and Deere haunted there ;
there grew much Sasafras : from thence we went on and
found much plain ground about fiftie Acres, fit for the
Plow, and some signes where the Indians had formerly
planted, their Corne: after this, some thought it best
for nearenesse of the River to goe downe and travaile
on the Sea sands, by which meanes some of our men
were tired, and lagged behinde, so we stayed and gathered
them up, and strucke into the Land againe ; where we
found a little path to certaine heapes of Sand, one whereof
was covered with old Mats, and had a woodden thing
like a Morter whelmed on the top of it, and an earthen
pot laid in a little hole at the end thereof ; we musing
what it might be, digged and found a Bowe, and as we
thought, Arrowes, but they were rotten; We supposed
there were many other things, but because we deemed
Sepulciers. them graves, we put in the Bow againe and made it up
316
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
as it was, and left the rest untouched, because we thought
it would be odious unto them to ransacke their Sepulchers.
We went on further and found new stubble of which
they had gotten Corne this yeare, and many Walnut trees
full of Nuts, and great store of Strawberries, and some
Vines ; passing thus a field or two, which were not great,
we came to another, which had also bin new gotten, and
there wee found where an house had beene, and foure
or five old Plankes laied together ; also we found a great
Kettle, which had beene some Ships kettle and brought Kettle and
out of Europe; there was also an heape of sand, made Cone found.
like the former, but it was newly done, wee might see
how they had padled it with their hands, which we digged
up, and in it we found a little old Basket full of faire
Indian Corne, and digged further, and found a fine great
new Basket full of very faire Corne of this yeare, with
some sixe and thirty goodly eares of Corne, some yellow,
and some red, and others mixt with blew, which was a
very goodly sight : the Basket was round, and narrow
at the top, it held about three or foure bushels, which
was as much as two of us could lift up from the ground,
and was very handsomely and cunningly made : But
whilst we were busie about these things, we set our men
Sentinell in a round ring, all but two or three which digged
up the Corne. Wee were in suspence, what to doe with
it, and the Kettle, and at length after much consultation,
we concluded to take the Kettle, and as much of the
Corne as wee could carry away with us : and when our
Shallop came if we could finde any of the people, and
came to parley with them, wee would give them the Kettle
againe, and satisfie them for their Corne.
So we tooke all the Eares, and put a good deale of
the loose Corne in the Kettle, for two men to bring away
one Staffe ; besides, they that could put away into their
Pockets filled the same ; the rest wee buried againe, for
we were so laden with Armour that we could carry no
more. Not farre fi-om this place we found the remainder
of an old Fort, or Palizado, which as we conceived had Palizado.
317
A° PURCHAS HIS PILGRTMES
1022.
beene made by some Christians, this was also hard by
that place which we thought had been a River, unto which
we went and found it so to be, dividing it selfe into two
armes by an high banke, standing right by the Cut or
Mouth which came from the Sea, that which was next
unto us was the lesse, the other arme was more then
twice as big, and not unlike to bee an Harbour for
Ships; but whether it be a fresh River, or onely an
indraught of the Sea, wee had no time to discover, for
we had commandement to be out but two dayes. Here
also we saw two Canoas, the one on the one side, the
other on the other side, we could not beleeve it was a
The-j returne. Canoa, till we came neere it, so we returned, leaving the
further discovery hereof to our Shallop, and came that
[IV. X. night backe againe to the fresh water pond, and there
' +5 -J -^ye made our randevous that night, making a great fire,
and a Baricado to windward of us, and kept good watch
with three Sentinels all night, every one standing when
his turne came, while five or sixe inches of Match was
burning. It proved a very rainie night. In the morning
we tooke our Kettle and sunke it in the Pond, and
trimmed our Muskets, for few of them would goe off
because of the wet, and so coasted the Wood againe to
come home, in which we were shrewdly pusled, and lost
our way ; as we wandred we came to a tree, where a
yong Spirit was bowed downe over a Bowe, and some
Acornes strewed underneath ; Stephen Hopkins said, it
Devise to ^^d beene to catch some Deere, so, as we were looking
at it, William Bradford being in the Reare, when he came
looking also upon it, and as he went about, it gave a
sodaine jerke up, and he was immediately caught by the
legge : It was a very pretty devise, made with a Roape
of their owne making, and having a noose as artificially
made, as any Roper in England can make, and as like
ours as can be, which wee brought away with us. In
the end wee got out of the Wood, and were fallen about
a mile too high above the creake, where we saw three
Buckes, but we had rather have had one of jthem. W.e
.318
catch Deere.
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH ad.
1622.
also did spring three couple of Partridges ; and as we
came along by the creake, we saw great flockes of wilde
Geese and Duckes, but they were very fearefiall of us.
So we marched some while in the Woods, some while
on the Sands, and other while in the Water up to the
knees, till at length we came neere the Ship, and then
we shot off our Peeces, and the long Boate came to fetch
us : Master Jones and Master Carver being on the shoare,
with many of our people, came to meete us. And thus
wee came both weary and welcome home, and delivered
in our Corne into the store, to be kept for seede, for
we knew not how to come by any, and therefore was
very glad, purposing so soone as we could meete with
any of the Inhabitants of that place, to make them large
satisfaction.
When our Shallop was fit indeede, before she was fully
fitted, for there was two dales worke after bestowed on
her, there was appointed some foure and twenty men of
our owne, and armed, then to goe and make a more fiall
discovery of the Rivers before mentioned. Master Jones
was desirous to goe with us, and tooke such of his Saylers
as he thought usefull for us, so as we were in all about
foure and thirty men : we made Master Jones our
Leader, for we thought it best herein to gratifie his
kindnesse and forwardnesse. When we were set forth,
it proved rough weather and crosse windes, so as we
were constrained, some in the Shallop, and others in the
long Boate, to row to the neerest shoare the winde would
suffer them to goe unto, and then to wade out above
the knees ; the winde was so strong as the Shallop could
not keepe the water, but was forced to harbour there that
night, but we marched six or seven miles further, and
appointed the Shallop to come to us as soone as they
could. It blowed and did snow all that day and night,
and frose withall ; some of our people that are dead tooke
the originall of their death here. The next day about
eleven a clocke our Shallop came to us, and we shipped
J3ur selves, and the winde being good, we sailed to the
319
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
ColdHarbour. River we formerly discovered, which we named Cold
Harbour, to which when we came we found it not
Navigable for Ships, yet we thought it might be a good
harbour for Boates, for it flowes there twelve foot at
high water. We landed our men betweene the two
creekes, and marched some foure or five miles by the
greater of them, and the Shallop followed us : at length
night grew on, and our men were tired with marching
up and downe the steepe Hils, and deepe Vallies, whicn
lay halfe a foote thicke with Snow : Master Jones wearied
with marching, was desirous we should take up our
lodging, though some of us would have marched fiarther,
so we made there our Randevous for that night, under
a few Pine trees, and as it fell out we got three Geese,
and six Duckes to our Supper, which we eate with.
Soldiers stomacks, for we had eaten little all that day.
We marched to the place where we had the Corne
formerly, which place we called Corne-hill ; & digged
& found the rest, of which we were very glad : we also
digged in a place a little farther off, & round a bottle
of Oyle, we went to another place which we had seen
before & digged and found more Corn, viz. two or three
Note. Baskets full of Indian wheat, and a bag of Beans, with
a good many of faire wheat-eares; whilst some of us
were digging up this, some others found another heape
of Corn, which they digged up also, so as we had in all
about ten Bushels, which will serve us sufficiently for
Seede. And sure it was Gods good providence that we
found this corn, for else we knew not how we should
have done, for we knew not how we should finde, or
meete with any of the Indians, except it be to doe us a
mischiefe. Also we had never in all likelihood seene a
graine of it, if we had not made our first Journey ; for
Frost and the ground was now covered with Snow, and so hard
■Snow. frosen, that we were faine with our Curtlaxes and short
Swords, to hew and carve the ground a foote deepe, and
then wrest it up with leavers, for we had forgot to bring
other Tooles : whilst we were in this imploiment, foule
32Q
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH ad.
1622.
-weather being towards, M. Jones was earnest to goe
aboord, but sundry of us desired to make further dis-
covery, and to finde out the Indians habitations, so we
«ent home with him our weakest people, and some that
were sicke, and all the Corne, and eighteene of us staied
still, and lodged there that night, & desired that the
Shallop might returne to us next day, and bring us some
Mattockes and Spades with them.
When wee had marched five or six miles into the
Woods, and could find no signes of any people, wee
returned againe another way, and as we came into the
plaine ground, wee found a place like a grave, but it
was much bigger and longer then any wee had yet seene.
It was also covered with boords, so as wee mused whaJ:
it should be, and resolved to dig it up ; where we found,
first a Mat, and under that a faire Bow, and there another [IV. x.
Mat, and under that a Boord about three quarters long, 1846.]
finely carved and painted, with three Tynes, or broches
on the top, like a Crown ; also betweene the Mats we
found Bowles, Trayes, Dishes, and such like Trinkets ;
at length wee came to a faire new Mat, and under that
two Bundles, the one bigger, the other lesse, we opened
the greater and found in it a great quantitie of fine and
perfect Red Powder, and in it the bones and skull of a
man. The skull had fine yellow haire still on it, and
some of the flesh unconsumed ; there was bound up with
a Knife, a Packneedle, and two or three old Iron things.
It was bound up in a Saylers Canvas Casacke, and a
payre of Cloth Breeches ; the Red Powder was a kind
of Embaulment, and yeelded a strong, but no offensive
smell ; It was as fine as any Flower. We opened the
lesse bundle like wise, and found of the same Powder
in it, and the bones and head of a little childe, about the
legges, and other parts of it was Bound strings, and
Bracelets of fine white Beads ; there was also by it a
little Bow, about three quarters long, and some other
odde knackes : we brought sundry of the pretiest things
away with us, and covered the Corps up againe. After
XIX 321 X
AD PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
this, we digged in sundry like places, but found no more
Corne, nor any things else but graves : Whilest we were
thus ranging and searching, two of the Saylers, which
Two houses, were newly come on the shoare, by chance espied two
houses, which had beene lately dwelt in, but the people
were gone. They having their Peeces, and hearing no
body, entred the houses, and tooke out some thing, and
durst not stay but came again & told us ; so some seven
or eight of us went with them, and found how wee had
gone within a flight shot of them before. The houses
were made with long young Sapling Trees bended, and
both ends stucke into the ground ; they were made round,
like unto an Arbour, and covered downe to the ground
with thicke and well wrought Mats, and the doore was
not over a yard high, made of a Mat to open : the
Chimney was a wide open hole in the top, for which
they had a Mat to cover it close when they pleased, one
might stand and goe upright in them ; in the midst of
them were foure little Trunches knockt into the ground,
and small stickes laid over, on which they hung their
Pots, and what they had to seeth : round about the fire
they lay on Mats, which are their Beds. The Houses
were double matted, for as they were matted without, so
were they within, with newer and fairer Mats. In the
Houshold Houses wee found Woodden Bowles, Trayes and Dishes,
stuffe. Earthen Pots, Hand-baskets made of Crab-shells, wrought
together : also an English Payle or Bucket, it wanted a
Baile, but it had two Iron Eares : there was also Baskets
of sundry sorts, bigger, and some lesser, finer, and some
courser : some were curiously wrought with Blacke and
White in prettie workes, and sundry other of their
houshold stufi^e : wee found also two or three Deeres
Heads, one whereof had been newly killed, for it was
still fresh : there was also a company of Deeres Feete,
stucke up in the Houses, Harts Homes, and Eagles
Clawes, and sundry such like things there was : also two
or three Baskets full of parched Acornes, pieces of Fish,
and a piece of a broyled Herring. We found also a
322
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH
A.D.
1622.
little Silke Grasse, and a little Tobacco Seed, with some
other Seeds which wee knew not : without was sundry-
bundles of Flags, and Sedge, Bull-rushes, and other stufFe
to make Mats ; there was thrust into an hollow Tree,
two or three pieces of Venison, but wee thought it fitter
for the Dogges then for us : some of the best things
wee tooke away with us, and left the houses standing
still as they were : Much disputation fell out about the
place where wee should abide; and a Company was
chosen to goe out upon a third Discovery (whilest some
were imployed in this Discovery, it pleased God that
Mistris White was brought a bed of a Sonne, which was
called Peregrine.)
Wednesday the sixt of December we set out, being Third
very cold and hard weather, we were a long while after discoverie.
wee lanched from the Ship, before wee could get cleere
of a Sandy Point, which lay within lesse then a furlong
of the same. In which time, two were very sicke, and
Edward Tilley had like to have founded with cold ; the Extreme cold.
Gunner was also sicke unto Death (but hope of trucking
made him to goe) and so remained all that day, and the
next night : at length wee got cleare of the Sandy Point,
and got up our Sayles, and within an houre or two wee
got under the weather shoare, and then had smoother
water and better sayling, but it was very cold, for the
water froze on our clothes, and made them many times
like coats of Iron : wee sayled sixe or seven leagues by
the shoare, but saw neither River nor Creeke, at length
wee met with a tongue of Land, being flat off from the
shoare, with a Sandy point, wee bore up to gaine the
Point, and found there a faire Income or Rode, of a Bay,
being a league over at the narrowest, and some two or
three in length, but wee made right over to the Land
before us, and left the discoverie of this Income till the
next day : as wee drew neere to the shoare, wee espied
some ten or twelve Indians, very busie about a blacke
thing, what it was wee could not tell, till afterwards they
saw us, and ran to and fro, as if they had beene carrying
323
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
something away, wee landed a league or two from them,
and had much adoe to put a shoare any where, it lay so
full of flat Sands : when wee came to shoare, we made
us a Baricado, and got fire Wood, and set out our
Sentinells, and betooke us to our lodging, such as it was;
wee saw the smoake of the fire which the Savages made
that night, about foure or five miles from us : in the
GrampttsBay. morning wee divided our Company, some eight in the
They found Shallop, and the rest on the shoare went to discover this
Grampuses place, but we found it onely to be a Bay, without either
dead, two River or Creeke comminof into it. This place the most
inches tntcke of -jj 1 uH^i/^ u l
fat and five or '^^^^ minded wee should call, the Grampus Bay, because
six paces long, wee found many of them there : we followed the tract
[IV. X. of the Indians bare feet a good way on the Sands, at
1847-] length we saw here they strucke into the Woods by the
side of a Pond, as we went to view the place, one said,
he thought he saw an Indian-house among the Trees, so
went up to see : and here we and the Shallop lost sight
one of another till night, it being now about nine or ten
a clocke ; so we lite on a path, but saw no house, and
followed a great way into the Woods, at length we found
where Corne had been set, but not that yeere ; anon we
found a great burying place, one part whereof was
incompassed with a large Palizado, like a Church-yard,
with young spires foure or five yards long, set as close
one by another as they could two or three foot in the
ground ; within it was full of Graves, some bigger and
some lesse, some were also paled about, and others had
like an Indian-house made over them, but not matted :
those Graves were more sumptuous then those at Corne-
hill, yet we digged none of them up, only viewed them
and went our way : without the Palizado were Graves
also, but not so costly. We went ranging up and downe
till the Sunne began to draw low, and then we hasted
out of the Woods, that we might come to our Shallop.
By that time we had done, and our Shallop come to us
it was within night, and we fed upon such victualls as
we had, and betooke us to our rest after we had set out
324
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
our watch. About midnight we heard a great and hideous
cry, and our Sentinell called, Arme, Arme. So we
bestirred our selves and shot off a couple of Muskets
and noise ceased : we concluded, that it was a company
of Wolves & Foxes, for one told us he had heard such
a noise in New-found-land. About five a clocke in the
morning we began to be stirring, upon a sudden wee
heard a great & strange cry which we knew to be the
same voices, though they varied their notes ; one of the
company being abroad came running in, and cried. They
are men, Indians, Indians ; and withall, their Arrowes
came flying amongst us, our men ran out with all speed
to recover their Armes. The cry of our enemies was
dreadfuU, especially, when our men ran out to recover
their Armes, their note was after this manner, Woath
woach ha ha hach woach : our men were no sooner come
to their Armes, but the enemy was readie to assault them.
There was a lustie man, and no whit lesse valiant,
who was thought to be their Captain, stood behind a
Tree within halfe a Musket shot of us, and there let his
Arrowes flie at us ; hee stood three shots off a Musket,
at length one tooke as he said full ayme at him, after
which he gave an extraordinarie cry and away they went
all, wee followed them about a quarter of a mile, but
wee left sixe to keepe our Shallop, for wee were carefull
of our businesse. Wee tooke up eighteene of their
Arrowes, which wee had sent to England by Master
Jones, some whereof were headed with brasse, others
with Harts home, and others with Eagles clawes ; many
more no doubt were shot, for these wee found were almost
covered with leaves : yet by the speciall providence of
God, none of them either hit or hurt us. On Munday
we found a very good Harbour for our shipping, we A good Har-
marched also into the Land, and found divers corne Fields tour.
and little running Brookes, a place verie good for
scituation, so we returned to our Ship againe with good
newes to the rest of our people, which did much comfort
their hearts.
325
A.D. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
This Harbour is a Bay greater then Cape Cod,
compassed with a goodly Land, and in the Bay two fine
Hands uninhabited, wherein are nothing but Woods, Okes,
Pines, Wal-nut, Beech, Sasifras, Vines, and other Trees
which we know not. This Bay is a most hopefull place,
innumerable store of Fowle, and excellent good, and
cannot but be of Fish in their seasons : Skote, Cod,
Turbot and Herring we have tasted of, abundance of
Musics the greatest and best that ever we saw ; Crabs
and Lobsters, in their time infinite : It is in fashion like
a Cikle or Fish-hooke.
The eighteenth we went along the Coast in the Woods,
some seven or eight mile, but saw not an Indian, nor an
Indian house, onely we found where formerly had beene
some Inhabitants, and where they had planted their
Corne : wee found not any Navigable River, but foure
or five small running Brookes of very fresh water, that
all run into the Sea. The Land for the crust of the earth
is a spits depth, excellent blacke mould and fat in some
places ; two or three great Okes, but not very thicke,
Pines, Walnuts, Beech, Ash, Birch, Hasell, HoUey, Asp,
Sasifras, in abundance, and Vines every where, Cherry-
trees, Plum-trees, and many other which we know not ;
many kinds of Hearbs we found here in Winter, as
Strawberry leaves innumerable, Sorrell, Yarow, Carvell,
Brook-lime, Liver-wort, Water-cresses, great store of
Leeks and Onyons, and an excellent strong kind of Flax
and Hempe. Here is Sand, Gravell, and excellent Clay,
no better in the World, excellent for Pots, and will wash
like Sope, and great store of Stone, though somewhat
soft, and the best water that ever we drunke, and the
Brookes now begin to be full of Fish ; that night many
being weary with marching, we went aboord againe.
The nineteenth of December, after our landing and
viewing of the places, so well as we could we came to
a conclusion, by most voyces, to set on the Maine Land,
on the first place, on an high ground, where there is a
great deale of Land cleered, and hath beene planted with
326
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
Corne three or foure yeeres agoe, and there is a very
sweet Brook runs under the Hill side, and many delicate
Springs of as good water as can be drunke, and where
wee may harbour our Shallops and Boates exceeding well,
and in this Brooke is much good Fish in their seasons.
On the further side of the River also much Corne ground
cleered, in one Field is a great HiU, on which wee point
to make a plat-forme, and plant our Ordnance, which
will command all round about, from thence we may see
into the Bay, and far into the Sea, and we may see thence
Cape Cod.
Saturday the three and twentieth, so many of us as [IV. x.
could went on shore, felled and carried timber, to provide 1848. J
themselves stufFe for building. Munday the five and
twentieth, wee went on shoare, some to fell timber, some
to sawe, some to rive, and some to carry, so no man rested
all that day.
Munday the five and twentieth, being Christmasse day,
we began to drinke water aboord, but at night the Master
caused us to have some Beer, and so on boord we had
divers times now & then some Beere, but on shoare none
at all. Wee tooke notice how many Families they were,
willing all single men that had no wives to joyne with
some Family as they thought fit, that so wee might build
fewer houses, which was done, and we reduced them to
nineteene Families ; to greater Families we allotted larger
plots, to every person halfe a Pole in breadth, and three
in length, and so Lots were cast where every man should
lie, which was done, and staked out ; we thought this
proportion was large enough at the first, for Houses and
Gardens to impale them round, considering the weakenesse
of our people, many of them growing ill with colds, for
our former Discoveries in frost and stormes, and the
wading at Cape Cod had brought much weaknesse
amongst us, which increased every day more and more,
and after was the cause of many of ovir deaths.
Friday and Saturday wee fitted our selves for our
labour, but our people on shoare were much troubled
327
t°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
and discouraged with rayne and wet that day, being very-
stormy and cold ; wee saw great smoakes of fire made
by the Indians, about six or seven miles from us as wee
conjectured.
Thursday the fourth of Januarie, Captaine Miles
Standish, with foure or five more, went to see if they
could meete with any of the Savages in that place where
the fires was made, they went to some of their houses
but not lately inhabited, yet could they not meet with
any ; as they came home, they shot at an Eagle and
killed her, which was excellent meat ; It was hardly to
be discerned from Mutton.
Tuesday the ninth of Janury, was a reasonable faire
day, and wee went to labour that day in the building of
our Towne, in two rowes of houses for more safetie :
wee divided by lot the plot of ground whereon to build-
our Towne : After the proportion formerly allotted, we
agreed that every man should build his owne house,,
thinking by that course men would make more hast then
working in common : the common house, in which for
the first we made our Rendevous, being neere finished,^
wanting only covering, it being about twentie foot square,
some should make morter, and some gather thatch, so
that in foure dales halfe of It was thatched, frost and
foule weather hindered us much ; this time of the yeare
seldome could we worke halfe the weeke.
On the twelfth day, John Goodman and Peter Browne
at dinner time tooke their meat in their hands, and would
go walke and refresh themselves, so going a little off
they find a Lake of water, and having a great Mastiffe
bitch with them, and a Spannell ; by the water side they
found a great Deere, the Dogs chased him, and they
followed so far as they lost themselves, and could not
find the way backe, they wandred all that afternoone being
wet, and at night did freeze and snow, they were slenderly
apparelled, and had no weapons but each one his Cicle,
nor any victualls, they ranged up and downe and could
finde none of the Savages habitations. When it drew
328
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
to night they were much perplexed, for they could find
neither harbour nor meat, but in frost and snow, were
forced to make the Earth their bed, and the Element
their covering, and another thing did very much terrifie
them ; they heard as they thought two Lions roaring
exceedingly for a long time together, and a third, that
they thought was very neere them : so not knowing
what to doe, they resolved to climbe up into a Tree as
the safest refuge, though that would prove an intoUerable
cold lodging. They stood at the Trees root, that when
the Lions came they might take their opportunitie of
climbing up, the Bitch they were faine to hold by the
necke, for shee would have beene gone to the Lion ; but
it pleased God so to dispose, that the wild Beasts came
not : so they walked up and downe under the Tree all
night, it was an extreame cold night ; so soone as it was
light they travelled againe, passing by many Lakes, and
Brookes, and Woods, and in one place where the Savages
had burnt the space of five miles in length, which is a
fine Champion Countrey, and even. In the afternoon it
pleased God from an high HiU, they discovered the two
lies in the Bay, and so that night got to the Plantation,
being ready to faint with travell and want of victualls,
and almost famished with cold, John Goodman was faine
to have his shooes cut off his feet they were so swelled
with cold, and it was a long while after ere hee was able
to goe. The house was fired occasionally by a sparke
that flew into the thatch, which instantly burnt it all up,
but the roofe stood and little hurt ; the most losse was
Master Carvers and William Bradfords, who then lay
sicke in bed, and if they had not risen with good speed,
had beene blowne up with powder : but through Gods
mercy they had no harme ; the house was as full of beds
as they could lie one by another, and their Muskets
charged, but blessed be God there was no harme done.
Munday the fifteenth day, it rained much all day, that
they on ship-boord could not goe on shoare, nor they
on shoare doe any labour but were all wet. Tuesday,
329
A.D.
1622,
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1849.]
Two great
Wolves.
Wednesday, Thursday, were very faire Sun-shiny daies,
as if it had beene in April, and our people so many as
were in health wrought chearefully. The ninteenth
day wee resolved to make a Shed, to put our common
provision in, of which some were already set on shoare,
[IV. X. buf a,t noone it rained that wee could not worke. This
day in the evening, John Goodman went abroad to use
his lame feet, that were pittyfuUy ill with the cold hee
had got, having a little Spannell with him, a little way
from the Plantation, two great Wolves ran after the Dog,
the Dog ran to him, and betwixt his legs for succour,
he had nothing in his hand, but tooke up a sticke and
threw at one of them and hit him, and they presently
ran both away, but came againe; he got a Paile boord
in his hand, and they sate both on their tailes, grinning
at him a good while and went their way and left him.
Saturday the seventeenth day in the morning, we called
a meeting for the establishing of Military Orders amongst
our selves, and we chose Miles Standish our Captaine,
and gave him authoritie of command in affayres.
Saturday the third of March, the wind was South, the
morning mystie, but towards noone warme and faire
weather : the Birds sang in the Woods most pleasantly ;
Thunder. at one of the clocke it thundred, which was the first we
heard in that Countrey, it was strong and great claps,
but short, but after an houre it rayned very sadly till
midnight. Wednesday the seventh of March, the wind
was full East, cold, but faire.
Conference Friday the sixteenth, there presented himselfe a Savage,
with Savages, ^j^j^-}^ caused an Alarum, he very boldly came all alone
and along the houses straight to the Randevous, where
we intercepted him, not suffering him to goe in, as
undoubtedly he would out of his boldnesse hee saluted
us in English, and bad us welcome, for he had learned
some broken English amongst the Englishmen that came
to fish at Monhiggan, and knew by name the most of
the Captaines, Commanders, and Masters, that usually
come ; he was a man free in speech, so farre as he could
33°
A KELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
expresse his minde, and of a seemly carriage, we ques-
tioned him of many things, he was the first Savage we
could meet withall; hee said he was not of those parts,
hut of Morattiggon, and one of the Sagamores or Lords
thereof, had beene eight moneths in these parts, it lying
hence a daies saile with a great wind, and five dayes by
Land : he discoursed of the whole Countrey, and of every
Province, and of their Sagamores, and their number of
men, and strength. The wind beginning to rise a little,
wee cast a Horsemans Coat about him, for he was starke
naked, only a leather about his wast, with a fringe about
a span long, or little more ; he had a Bow and two
Arrowes, the one headed, and the other unheaded, he
was a tall straight man, the haire of his head blacke, long
behind, only short before, none on his face at all ; he
asked some Beere, but we gave him Strong-water and
Bisket, and Butter, and Cheese, and Pudding, and a piece
of a Mallerd ; all which he liked wel, and had bin
acquainted with such amongst the English ; he told us
the place where we now live, is called, Patuxet, and that Patuxet.
about foure yeeres agoe all the Inhabitants died of an Peoplealldead
extraordinary plague, and there is neither man, woman, of a plague.
nor child remaining, as indeed we have found none, so
as there is none to hinder our possession, or to lay claime
unto it. All the afternoone we spent in communication
with him, we would gladly have been rid of him at night,
but he was not willing to goe this night, then we thought
to carry him on ship-boord, wherwith hee was wel content
and went into the Shallop, but the wind was high and
water scant, that it could not returne backe. We lodged
that night at Steven Hopkins house, and watched him :
the next day he went away back to the Masasoyts, fi-om Masasoyts.
whence he said he came, who are our next bordering
neighbours, they are sixtie strong, as he saith. The
Nausites are as neere South-east of them, and are a Nausites.
hundred strong, and those were they of whom our people
were encountered, as we before related. They are much
incensed and provoked against the English, and about
33'
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
eight moneths agoe slew three Englishmen, and two more
hardly escaped by flight to Monhiggon ; they were Sir
Ferdinando Gorge his men, as this Savage told us, as he
did likewise of the Huggery, that is. Fight, that our
discoverers had with the Nausites, and of our Tooles they
were taken out of the Woods, which we willed him
should be brought againe, otherwise we would right our
selves. These people are ill affected towards the English^
Hunts wicked- by reason of one Hunt, a Master of a Ship, who deceived
nesse. j.]^g people, and got them under colour of trucking with
them, twentie out of this very place where we inhabite„
and seven men from the Nausites, and carried them away
and sold them for Slaves, like a wretched man (for twentie
pound a man) that care not what mischiefe he doth for
his profit.
Saturday in the morning we dismissed the Savage, and
gave him a Knife, a Bracelet, and a Ring; he promised
within a night or two to come again, & to bring with him
some of the Massasoyts our neighbours, with such
Beavers skins as they had to trucke with us. Saturday
and Sunday reasonable faire dayes. On this day came
againe the Savage, and brought with him five other tall
proper men, they had every man a Deeres skin on him,
and the principall of them had a wild Cats skin, or such
like on the one arme : they had most of them long hosen
up to their groynes, close made ; and above their groynes,
to their wast another leather, they were altogether like the
Irish-trouses ; they are of complexion like our English
Gipseys, no haire or very little on their faces, on their
heads long haire to the shoulders, onely cut before ; some
trussed up before with a feather, broad wise, like a fan,
another a Fox taile hanging out : these left (according to
cur charge given him before) their Bowes and Arrowes a.
quarter of a mile from our Towne, we gave them enter-
Savages tainment as we thought was fitting them. They did eate
described. liberally of our English victuals, they made semblance
unto us of friendship and amitie ; they sang and danced
after this manner like Anticks; they brought with him.
332
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
in a thing like a Bow-case (which the principall of them
had about his wast) a little of their Corne pounded to [IV. x.
powder, which put to a little water they eate : he had a '^So-]
little Tobacco in a bag, but none of them drunke but
when he listed, some of them had their faces painted
blacke, from the forehead to the chin, foure or five fingers
broad ; others after other fashions, as they liked : they
brought three or foure Skins, but wee would not trucke
with them all that day, but wished them to bring more,
and we would trucke for all, which they promised within
a night or two, and would leave these behind them, though
wee were not willing they should, and they brought all
our Tooles againe which were taken in the Woods, in
our mens absence, so because of the day we dismissed
them so soone as we could. But Samoset our first
acquaintance, either was sicke, or fained himselfe so, and
would not goe with them, and staied with us till
Wednesday morning : Then we sent him to them, to
know the reason they came not according to their words,
and we gave him an Hat, a paire of Stockings and Shooes,
a Shirt, and a piece of Cloth to tye about his wast.
Thursday the 22. of March, was a very faire warme
day. About noone we met againe about our publike
businesse, but we had scarce beene an houre together, but
Samoset came againe, and Squanto, the onely Native of
Patuxat, where wee now inhabite, who was one of the
twentie Captives that by Hunt were carried away, and
had beene in England, and dwelt in Cornhill with Master
John Slanie a Merchant, and could speake a little English,
with three others, and they brought them some few Skins
to trucke, and some Red Herrings newly taken and dried,
but not salted, and signified unto us, that there Great
Sagamore Massasoyt was hard by, with Quadequina his
brother, and all their men. They could not well expresse
In English what they would, but after an houre the King
came to the top of an Hill over against us, and had In
his trayne sixtle men, that we could well behold them,
and they us : wee were not willing to send our Governour
333
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
to them, and they unwilling to come to us, so Squanto
went againe unto him, who brought word that wee should
send one to parley with him, which we did, which was
Edward Winsloe, to know his mind, and to signifie the
mind and will of our Governor, which was to have trading
and peace with him. Wee sent to the King a paire ot
Knives, and a Copper Chaine, with a Jewell at it. To
Quadequina we sent likewise a Knife and a Jewell to hang
in his eare, and withall a Pot of strong water, a good
quantitie of Bisket, and some Butter, which were all
willingly accepted : our Messenger made a speech unto
him, that King James saluted him with words of Love
and Peace, and did accept of him as his Friend and Alley,
and that our Governour desired to see him and to trucke
with him, and to confirme a Peace with him, as his next
neighbour: hee liked well of the speech, and heard it
attentively, though the Interpreters did not well expresse
it ; after hee had eaten and drunk himselfe, & given the
rest to his company, he looked upon our Messengers
Sword and Armor which he had on, with intimation of
his desire to buy it, but on the other side, our Messenger
shewed his unwillingnesse to part with it : In the end
he left him in the custodie of Quadequina his brother,
and came over the Brook, and some twenty men following
him, leaving all their Bowes and Arrowes behind them.
We kept six or seven as Hostages for our Messenger y
Cap. Standish and M. Williamson met the King at the
Brook, with halfe a dozen Musketiers, they saluted him
and he them, so one going over, the one on the one side,
and the other on the other, conducted him to an house
then in building, where wee placed a greene Rug, and
three or foure Cushions. Then instantly came our
Governour, with a Drum and Trumpet after him, and
some fev/ Musketiers. After salutations, our Governour
kissing his hand, the King kissed him, and so they sate
downe. The Governour called for some strong water,
and drunke to him, and he drunke a great draught that
made him sweate all the while after ; hee called for a little
334
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
fresh meate, which the King did eate willingly, and did
give his followers. Then they treated of Peace, which
was;
First, That neither he nor any of his should injure or The agree-
do hurt to any of our people. Secondly, & if any of ^ifffp'aee
his did hurt to any of ours, he should send the offender, ^s an7'
that we might punish him. Thirdly, that if any of our Massasoyt.
tooles were taken away when our people were at work,
he should cause them to bee restored, and if ours did any
harme to any of his, we would doe the like to them.
Fourthly, If any did unjustly war against him we would
aide him ; If any did war against us, he should aide us.
Fifthly, He should send to his neighbor Confederates, to
certifie them of this, that they might not wrong us, but
might be likewise comprised in the conditions of Peace.
Sixthly, That when their men came to us, they should
leave their Bowes and Arrowes behind them, as wee
should doe our Peeces when we came to them. Lastly,
that doing thus. King James would esteeme of him as
his Friend and Ally : all which the King seemed to like
well, and it was applauded of his followers, all the while
he sate by the Governour hee trembled for feare. In his
person hee is a very lusty man, in his best yeeres, an able
body, grave of countenance, and spare of speech : In his
attyre little or nothing differing from the rest of his
followers, onely in a great Chaine of white bone Beades
about his neck, & at it behind his neck hangs a little
bag of Tobacco, which he drank and gave us to drinke ;
his face was painted with a sad Red like Murry, and oyled
both head and face, that hee looked greasily : All his
followers likewise, were in their faces in part or in whole
painted, some Blacke, some Red, some Yellow, and some
White, some with Crosses, and other Antick workes, some
had Skins on them, and some naked, all strong, tall men
in appearance. The King had his bosome hanging in a
string, a great long Knife ; he marvelled much at our
Trumpet, and some of his men would sound it as well as [IV. i.
they could; Samoset and Squanto, stayed all night with 1851.]
335
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
US, and the King and all his men lay all night in the
Wood, not above halfe an English mile from us, and all
their wives and women with them, they said, that within
eight or nine dales, they would come and set Corne on
the other side of the Brooke, and dwell there all Summer,
which is hard by us. That night wee kept good watch,
but there was no appearance of danger ; the next morning
divers of our people came over to us, hoping to get some
victualls as wee imagined, some of them told us the
King would have some of us come see him ; Captaine
Standish, and Isaac Alderton went venterously, who were
welcommed of him after their manner: he gave them
three or foure ground Nuts, and some Tobacco. Wee
cannot yet conceive, but that hee is willing to have peace
with us, for they have seene our people sometimes alone
two or three in the Woods at worke and Fowling, when
as they offered them no harme, as they might easily have
done, and especially because hee hath a potent Adversarie,
the Narowhiganseis, that are at warre with him, against
whom hee thinkes wee may bee some strength to him,
for our Peeces are terrible unto them. This morning
they staled till ten or eleven of the clocke, and our
Governour bid them send the Kings Kettle, and filled it
full of Pease, which pleased them well, and so they went
their way.
Friday was a very faire day, Samoset and Squanto stil
remained with us, Squanto went at noon to fish for Eeles,
at night he came home with as many as hee could well
lift in one hand, which our people were glad of, they
were fat and sweete, hee trod them out with his feete,
and so caught them with his hands without any other
Instrument. This day we proceeded on with our common
businesse, from which we had bin so often hindred by
the Savages comming, and concluded both of Militarie
Orders, and of some Lawes and Orders as we thought
behoovefull for our present estate, and condition, and
likewise chuse our Governour for this yeere, which was
Master John Carver, a man well approved amongst us.
336
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH
A.D.
1622.
IT seemed good to the Company for many considera- Ajow-ney to
tions, to send some amongst them to Massasoyt, the ^'"^^"f*'*'.
greatest Commander amongst the Savages, bordering JthtGreat'
about us ; partly to know where to find them, if occasion King
served, as also to see their strength, discover the Countrey, Masmop.
prevent abuses in their disordeny comming unto us, make
satisfaction for some conceived injuries to be done on
our parts, and to continue the league of Peace and Friend-
ship betweene them and us. For these, and the like
ends, it pleased the Governour to make choice of Steven
Hopkins, and Edward Winsloe to goe unto him, and
having a fit opportunitie, by reason of a Savage, called
Tisquantum (that could speake English) comming unto
with all expedition provided a Horsemans Coat, of
us
Red Cotton, and laced with a slight Lace for a Present,
that both they and their message might bee the more
acceptable amongs them.
Wee set forward the tenth of June, about nine a clock
in the morning, our guide resolving that night to rest
at Namaschet, a Towne under Massasoyt, and conceived
by us to be very neere, because the Inhabitants flocked
so thicke upon every slight occasion amongst us : but
wee found it to bee some fifteene English miles. On the
way wee found some ten or twelve men, women, and
children, which had pestered us, till wee were wearie of
them, perceiving that (as the manner of them all is) where
victuall is easiliest to be got, there they live, especially in
the Summer : by reason whereof, our Bay affording many
Lobsters, they resort every Spring Tide thither : and now
returned with us to Namaschet. Thither we came about
three a docke after noone, the Inhabitants entertaining
us with joy, in the best manner they could, giving us a
kind of bread, called by them Maizium., and the spawne
of Shads, which then they got in abundance, in so much
as they gave us spoones to eate them, with these they
boyled mustie Acornes, but of the Shads wee eate heartily.
After this they desired one of our men to shoot at a Crow,
complaining what damage they sustained in their Corne
337 V
i6zi.
XIX
A°- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
by them, who shooting some foiirescore off and killing,
they much admired it, as other shots on other occasions.
After this Tisquantum told us wee should hardly in one
day reach Pakanokick, moving us to go some eight miles
further, where we should find more store and better
victuals then there : Being willing to hasten our journey
we went, and came thither at Sunne setting, where we
found many of the Namascheucks (they so calling the
men of Namaschet) fishing upon a Ware which they had
made on a River which belonged to them, where they
caught abundance of Basse. These welcommed us also,
gave us of their fish, and we them of our victualls, not
doubting but we should have enough where ere we came.
There we lodged in the open fields : for houses they had
none, though they spent the most of the Summer there.
The head of this River is reported to bee not farre from
the place of our abode, upon it are, and have beene many
Townes, it being a good length. The ground is very
good on both sides, it being for the most part cleered :
Great plague. Thousands of men have lived there, which died in a great
plague not long since : and pittie it was and is to see,
so many goodly fields, and so well seated, without men
to dresse and manure the same. Upon this River
dwelleth Massasoyt.
The next morning wee brake our fast, tooke our leave
and departed, being then accompanied with some sixe
Savages, having gone about sixe miles by the River side,
at a knowne shoale place, it being low water, they spake
to us to put off our breeches, for wee must wade thorow.
[IV. X. Here let me not forget the valour and courage of some of
1852.] the Savages, on the opposite side of the River, for there
were remaining alive onely two men, both aged, especially
the one being above threescore: These two espying a
company of men entring the River, ran very swiftly and
low in the grasse to meet us at the Banke, where with
shrill voyces and great courage, standing charged upon
us with their Bowes, they demanded what wee were,
supposing us to be enemies, and thinking to take advan-
338
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
tage on us in the water : but seeing wee were friends, they
welcommed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed
a small bracelet of Beads on them. Thus farre we are
sure the Tide ebbes and flowes.
Having here againe refreshed our selves we proceeded
in our Journey, the weather being verie hot for travell,
yet the Countrey so well watered, that a man could scarce
be drie, but hee should have a Spring at hand to coole his
thirst, beside small Rivers in abundance : But the Savages
will not willingly drinlce, but at a Spring head. When
we came to any small Brooke, where no Bridge was, two
of them desired to carry us through of their owne accords,
also fearing wee were or would bee wearie, offered to
Carrie our Peeces, also if wee would lay off any of our
clothes, wee should have them carried : and as the one
of them had found more speciall kindnesse from one of
the Messengers, and the other Savage from the other ;
so they shewed their thankftilnesse accordingly in affording
us all helpe, and furtherance in the Journey.
As we passed along, we observed that there were few
places by the River, but had beene inhabited, by reason
whereof much ground was cleere, save of weeds which
grew higher then our heads. There is much good
Timber, both Cake, Walnut-tree, Firre, Beech, and
exceeding great Chesnut-trees.
After we came to a Towne of Massasoyts, where we
eat Oysters and other Fish. From thence we went to
Packanokick, but Massasoyt was not at home, there we
staled, he being sent for : when newes was brought of
his comming, our guide Tisquantum requested that at
our meeting, wee would discharge our Peeces, but one
of us going about to charge his Peece, the women and
children through feare to see them take up his Peece, ran
away, and could not be pacified, till he laid it downe
againe, who afterward were better informed by our Inter-
preter. Massasoyt being come, wee discharged our
Peeces, and saluted him, who after their manner kindly
welcommed us, and tooke us into his house, and set us
339
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
downe by him, where having delivered our Message and
Presents, and having put the Coat on his backe, and the
Chaine about his necke, hee was not a little proud to
behold himselfe, and his men also to see their King so
bravely attired. For answere to our Message, he told
us we were welcome, and he would gladly continue that
Peace and Friendship which was betweene him and us :
and for his men they should no more pester us as they
had done : Also, that hee would send to Paomet, and
would helpe us with Corne for Seed, according to our
request.
This being done, his men gathered neere unto him,
to whom hee turned himselfe, and made a great Speech;
they sometime interposing, and as it were, confirming
and applauding him in that he said. The meaning
whereof was (as farre as wee could learne) thus ; Was
not hee Massasoyt Commander of the Countrey about
them ? Was not such a Towne his and the people of it .''
and should they not bring their skins unto us. After
this manner, he named at least thirtie places, and their
answere was as aforesaid to every one : so that as it was
delightftill, it was tedious unto us. This being ended,
he lighted Tobacco for us, and fell to discoursing of
England, and of the Kings Majestic, marvelling that hee
would live without a Wife. Also hee talked of the
Frenchmen, bidding us not to suffer them to come to
Narohiganset, for it was King James his Countrey, and
he also was King James his man. Late it grew, but
Royall enter- victualls he oifered none ; for indeed he had not any,
ialnment. being he came so newly home. So we desired to goe to
rest : hee laid us on the bed with himselfe and his wife,
they at the one end and wee at the other, it being onely
plankes laid a foot from the ground, and a thinne Mat
upon them. Two more of his chiefe men for want of
roome pressed by and upon us ; so that wee were worse
wearie of our lodging then of our journey.
The next day being Thursday, many of their Sachmis,
or pettie Governours came to see us, and many of their
340
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH
A.D.
1622.
Games.
men also. There they went to their manner of Games
for Skins and Knives. There we challenged them to
shoot with them for Skins : but they durst not : onely
they desired to see one of us shoot at a marke, who
shooting with Haile-shot, they wondred to see the marke
so full of holes. About one a clocke, Massasoyt brought
two Fishes that he had shot, they were like Breame, but
three times so bigge, and better meat. These being Hungrie fare.
boyled, there were at least fortie looked for share in them,
the most eate of them : This meale onely we had in two
nights and a day, and had not one of us bought a
Partridge, we had taken our Journey fasting : Very
importunate hee was to have us stay with them longer :
But wee desired to keepe the Sabbath at home, and feared
wee should either bee light-headed for want of sleepe, for
what with bad lodging, the Savages barbarous singing
(for they use to sing themselves asleepe) Lice and Fleas
within doores, and Muskeetoes without, wee could hardly
sleepe all the time of our being there ; we much fearing
that if we should stay any longer, we should not bee able
to recover home for want of strength. So that on the
Friday morning before Sun-rising, wee tooke our leave
and departed, Massasoyt being both grieved and ashamed, \)^-
that he could not better entertaine us; and retaining
Tisquantum to send from place to place to procure trucke
for us : and appointing another, called Tokamahamon in
his place, whom we had found faithfull before and after
upon all occasions.
1853.]
THe eleventh of June we set forth toward Nauset, the
weather being very faire: but ere we had bin long
at Sea, there arose a storme of winde and raine, with
much lightning and thunder, insomuch that a spout arose
not farre from us : but God be praised, it dured not long,
and we put in that night for Harbour at a place called
Cummaquid, where we had some hope to finde the Boy.
Two Savages were in the Boat with us, the one was
Tisquantum our Interpreter, the other Tokamahamon, a
341
A Voyage
made by ten of
our men to the
Kingdoms of
Nauset, to seek
a Boy that had
lost himselfe in
the Woods;
with such acci-
dents as befell
us in that
Voyage.
A°. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
speciall friend. It being night before we came in, wee
Anchored in the middest of the Bay, where we were dry
at a low water. In the morning we espied Savages seeking
Lobsters, and sent our two Interpreters to speake with
them, the channel! being betweene them; where they
told them what we were, and for what we were come,
willing them not at all to feare us, for we would not hurt
them. Their answere was, that the Boy was well, but he
was at Nauset ; yet since wee were there they desired us
to come ashoare and eate with them : which as soone as
our Boate floated we did : and went sixe ashoare, having
foure pledges for them in the Boate. They brought us
to their Sachim or Governour, whom they call lyanough,
a man not exceeding twenty six yeares of age, but very
personable, gentle courteous, and faire conditioned,
indeede not like a Savage, save for his attyre : his enter-
tainment was answerable to his parts, and his cheare
plentiful! and various.
One thing was very grievous unto us at this place :
There was an old Woman, whom wee judged to be no
lesse then an hundred yeares old, which came to see us
because shee never saw English, yet could not behold
us without breaking forth into great passion, weeping and
crying excessively. We demanding the reason of it, they
told us, she had three Sonnes, who when Master Hunt
was in these parts, went aboord his Ship to trade with
him, and he carried them Captives into Spaine (for
Tisquantum at that time was carried away also) by which
meanes shee was deprived of the comfort of her children
in her old age. We told them wee were sorry that any
Englishman should give them that offence, that Hunt
was a bad man, and that all the English that heard of it
condemned him for the same : but iror us, we would not
offer them any such injury, though it would gaine us
all the Skins in the Countrie. So we gave her some small
trifles, which somewhat appeased her.
After dinner we tooke Boate for Nauset, lyanough and
two of his men accompanying us. Ere we came to
342
A RELATION OF PLYMOUTH a.d.
1622.
Nauset, the day and tide were almost spent, in so much
as we could not goe in with our Shallop : but the Sachim
or Governour or Cummaquid went ashoare and his men
with him, we also sent Tisquantum to tell Aspinet the
Sachim of Nauset, wherefore we came. After Sunset
Aspinet came with a great traine, and brought the Boy
with him, one bearing him through the water : he had
not lesse then an hundred with him, the halfe whereof
came to the Shallop side unarmed with him, the other
stood aloofe with their Bowe and Arrowes. There he
delivered us the Boy, behung with Beades, and made The Boy is^
peace with us, wee bestowing a Knife on him, and like- '■^^*"''*-
wise on another that first entertained the Boy and brought
him thither. So they departed from us.
Here we understood that the Narrohigansets had
spoyled some of Massasoyts men, and taken him. This
strucke some feare in us, because the Colony was so
weakely guarded, the strength thereof being abroad : But
we set forth with resolution to make the best haste home
we could ; yet the winde being contrary, having scarce
any fresh water left, and at least sixteene leagues home,
we put in againe for the shoare. There we met againe
with lyanough the Sachim of Cummaquid, and the most
of his Towne, both men, women and children with him.
Hee being still willing to gratifie us, tooke a runlet and
led our men in the darke a great way for water, but could
finde none good ; yet brought such as there was on his
necke with them. In the meane time the women joyned
hand in hand, singing and dancing before the Shallop, the
men also shewing all the kindenesse they could, lyanough
himselfe taking a Bracelet from about his necke, and
hanging it upon one of us. By Gods providence we
came safely home that night.
343
A.D,
1622.
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
Chap. V.
Good newes from New England: Or, A Relation
of things remarkeable in that Plantation-
written by E. Winslow and here abbreviated.
He good Ship called the Fortune, which
in the Moneth of November i62i>
(blessed be God) brought us a new supply
of five and thirty persons, was not long
departed our Coast, ere the Great people
of Narohigganset, which are reported to
be many thousands strong, began to
breath forth many threats against us, notwithstanding
their desired and obtained peace with us in the fore-going
Summer. Insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour
[IV. X. Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to
1854.] come against us. In reason, a man would thinke they
should have now more cause to feare us than before our
supply came : but though none of them were present,
yet understanding by others that they neither brought
Armes nor other provisions with them, but wholly relied
on us, it occasioned them to sleight and brave us with
Snakes skin so many threats as they did. At length came one of
defiance. them to us, who was sent by Conavacus their chiefe
Sachim or King, accompanied with one Tokamahamon a
friendly Indian. This Messenger inquired for Tisquan-
tum our Interpreter, who not being at home seemed rather
to be glad then sorry, and leaving for him a bundle of
new Arrowes lapped in a rattle Snakes skinne, desired to
depart with all expedition.
When Tisquantum returned, and the Arrowes were
delivered, and the manner of the Messengers cariage
related, he signified to the Governour, that to send the
rattle Snakes skinne in that manner, imported enmitie,
and that it was no better then a challenge. Hereupon^
after some deliberation, the Governour stuffed the skin
with Powder and Shot, and sent it backe, returning no
344
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1622.
lesse defiance to Conavacus, assuring him if he had
Shipping now present thereby to send his men to
Narohigganset (the place of his abode) they should not
neede to come so farre by Land to us : yet withall, shewing
that they should never come unwelcome or unlooked for.
This message was sent by an Indian, and delivered in
such sort, as it was no small terrour to this Savage King,
insomuch as he would not once touch the Powder and
Shot, or suffer it to stay in his House or Countrie.
Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, another tooke it
up, and having beene posted from place to place a long
time, at length came whole backe againe.
In the meane time, knowing our owne weakenesse,
notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes towards
them, and still lying open to all casualty, having as yet
(under God) no other defence then our Armes, we thought
it most needfull to impale our Towne, which with all Towne
expedition we accomplished in the moneth of February, ""/*"''«•
and some few dayes, taking in the top of the HiU under
which our Towne is seated, making foure Bulwarkes or
jetties without the ordinary circuit of the Pale, from
whence we could defend the whole Towne : In three
whereof are Gates, and the fourth in time to be. This
being done, Captaine Standish divided our strength into
foure squadrons or companies, appointing whom he
thought most fit to have command of each : And at a
generall Muster or Training, appointed each his place,
gave each his Company, giving them charge upon every
alarum to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place,
and in his absence, to be commanded and directed by
them. That done according to his order, each drew his
Company to his appointed place for defence, and there
together discharged their Muskets. After which they
brought their new Commanders to their houses, where
againe they graced them with their shot, and so departed.
Fearing also least the enemy at any time should take
any advantage by firing our houses, Captaine Standish
appointed a certaine Company, that whensoever they saw
345
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
or heard fire to be cryed in the Towne, should onely betake
themselves to their Armes, and should inclose the house
or place so indangered, and stand aloofe on their guard,
with their backes towards the fire, to prevent trechery,
if any were in that kinde intended. If the fire were in
any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed
from it, but not otherwise, without speciall command.
Long before this time we promised the people of
Massachuset in the beginning of March to come unto
them, and trade for their Furres, which being then come,
we began to make preparation for that Voyage. In the
meane time, an Indian, called Hobbamocke, who still
lived in the Towne, told us, that he feared the
Massachusets or Massachuseuks (for they so called the
people of that place) were joyned in confederate with
the Narohigganneucks, or people of Narohigganset, and
that they therefore would take this opportunity to cut off
Captaine Standish and his Company abroad : but howso-
ever in the meane time, it was to be feared that the
Narohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home, giving
many reasons for his jealousie, as also that Tisquantum
was in the confederacy, who we should finde would use
many perswasions to draw us from our Shallops to the
Indians houses for their better advantage.
Notwithstanding the forenamed Captaine with ten men,
accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamocke, set
forwards for the Massachusets : but we had no sooner
turned the point of the Harbour, called the Gurnets nose
(where being becalmed we let fall our grapnell, to set
things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an
Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certaine of our
people that were from home with all eagernesse, having
his face wounded, and the bloud still fresh on the same,
calling to them to repaire home, oft looking behinde
him, as if some others had him in chase, saying that at
Namaschet (a Towne some fifteene miles from us) there
were many of the Narohiggansets, Massassowat our
supposed friend; and Conbatant our feared enemy, with
346
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND ad.
1622.
many others, with a resolution to take advantage on the
present opportunity, to assault the Towne in the Captaines
absence, affirming that hee received the wound in his
face for speaking in our behalfe, and by sleight escaped,
looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at
hand. This he affirmed againe to the Governour, where-
upon he gave command that three peece of Ordnance
should be made ready and discharged, to the end that if
wee were not out of hearing, we might returne
thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but we repaired
homeward with all convenient speede, arming our [IV. x.
selves, and making all in readinesse to fight. When '855.]
wee entred the Harbour, we saw the Towne likewise on
their guard, whither we hasted with all convenient speede.
The newes being made knowne unto us, Hobbamock said
flatly that it was false, assuring us of Massassowats faith-
fulnesse ; howsoever he presumed he would never have
undertaken any such act without his privitie, himselfe
being a Pinse, that is, one of his chiefe Champions or men
of valour, it being the manner amongst them not to
undertake such enterprises without the advice and further-
ance of men of that ranke.
The Governour caused Hobbamock to send his wife
with all privacie to Puckanokick, the chiefe place of
Massassowats residence (pretending other occasions) there
to informe her selfe, and so us, of the right state of
things. When she came thither, and saw all things quiet,
and that no such matter was or had beene intended, she
told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth (by them
called Patuxet) which when he understood, he was much
offended at the carriage of Tisquantum, rettirning many
thankes to the Governour for his good thoughts of him ;
and assuring him, that according to their first Articles of
peace, hee would send word and give warning when any
such businesse was towards.
Thus by degrees we began to discover Tisquantum, Tisquantums
whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes trechery.
of his Country-men, by meanes of his neerenesse and
347
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
favour with us, not caring who fell, so he stood. In
general!, his course was to perswade them hee could lead
us to peace or warre at his pleasure, and would oft threaten
the Indians, sending them word in a private manner, we
were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby he might
get gifts to himselfe to worke their peace, insomuch as
they had him in greater esteeme then many of their
Sachims ; yea, they themselves sought to him, who
promised them peace in respect of us ; yea, and protection
also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas
divers were wont to relye on Massassowat for protection,
and resort to his abode, now they began to leave him, and
seeke after Tisquantum. But when we understood his
dealings, we certified all the Indians of our ignorance and
innocency therein, assuring them till they begun with us,
they should have no cause to feare. And if any hereafter
should raise any such reports, they should punish them
as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance, which
gave the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.
After this we proceeded in our Voyage to the
Massachusets, where we had good store of Trade and
(blessed be God) returned in safety, though driven from
before our Towne in great danger and extremity of
weather. At our returne, we found Massassowat at the
Plantation, who made his seeming just Apologie for all
former matters of accusation, being much offended and
inraged against Tisquantum, whom the Governour pacified
as much as he could for the present. But not long after
his departure, he sent a Messenger to the Governour,
intreating him to give way to the death of Tisquantum,
who had so much abused him. But the Governour
answered ; Although he had deserved to dye both in
respect of him and us ; yet for our sakes he desired he
would spare him, and the rather because without him he
knew not well how to understand himselfe, or any other
the Indians. With this answer the Messenger returned,
but came againe not long after, accompanied with divers,
others, demanding him from Massassowat their Master.
348
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1622.
as being one of his subjects, whom by our first Articles
of peace we could not retaine : yet because hee would not
willingly doe it without the Governors approbation,
offered him many Bevers skins for his consent thereto,
saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had
sent his owne Knife, and therewith, to cut off his head
and hands, and bring them to him. To which the
Governour answered ; It was not the manner of the
English to sell mens lives at a price, but when they had
deserved justly to die, to give them their reward, and
therefore refused their Beavers as a gift : but sent for
Tisquantum, who though he knew their intent, yet offered
not to flye, but came and accused Hobbamocke as the
author and worker of his overthrow; yeelding himselfe
to the Governour to be sent or not according as he thought
meete. But at the instant, when our Governour was
ready to deliver him into the hands of his Executioners,
a Boate was seene at Sea to crosse before our Towne, and
fall behinde a head-land not farre off : whereupon, having
heard many rumours of the French, and not knowing
whether there were any combination betweene the Savages
and them, the Governour told the Indians, he would first
know what Boate that was ere he would deliver him into
their custody. But being mad with rage, and impatient
at delay, they departed in great heate.
Here let me not omit one notable (though wicked)
practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might
possesse his Countrimen with the greater feare of us, and
so consequently of himselfe, told them we had the plague
buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure we could
send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy
them therewith, though wee stirred not from home. Being
upon the forenamed brabbles sent for by the Governour
to this place, where Hobbamock was & some other of us,
the ground being broke in the middest of the house
(whereunder certaine barrels of Powder were buried,
though unknowne to him) Hobbamock asked him what
it meant .'' To whom he readily answered ; That was the
349
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
fla^ conceit, place wherein the plague was buried, whereof he formerly
told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one
of our people whether such a thing were, and whether we
[IV. X. }j^(j g^(,j^ command of it ? Who answered no ; But the
^ 5 •] God of the English had it in store, and could send it
at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.
This was, as I take it, about the end of May, 1622.
At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent,
having lived long before with a bare and short allowance :
The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned,
which came so unprovided, not landing so much as a
barrell of Bread or Meale for their whole Company, but
contrariwise received from us for their Ships store home-
ward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether
to be blamed therein, but rather certaine amongst our
selves, who were too prodigall in their writing and report-
ing that plenty we enjoyed. But that I may returne.
This Boate proved to be a Shallop that belonged to a
fishing Ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master
Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London,
which brought six or seven passengers at his charge, that
should before have beene landed at our Plantation, who
also brought no more provision for the present then served
the Boats gang for their returne to the Ship, which made
her Voyage at a place called Damarins Cove, neere Mun-
higgen, some forty leagues from us North-east-ward;
about which place there fished above thirty saile of Ships,
and whither my selfe was imployed by our Governour,
with orders to take up such victuals as the Shippes could
spare ; where I found kinde entertainment and good
respect, with a willingnesse to supply our wants : But
being not able to spare that quantity I required, by reason
of the necessitie of some amongst themselves, whom they
supplied before my comming, would not take any Bils
for the same, but did what they could freely, wishing their
store had beene such as they might in greater measure
have expressed their owne love, and suppEed our necessi-
ties, for which they sorrowed, provoking one another to
35°
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1622.
the utmost of their abilitie : which although it were not
much amongst so many people as were at the Plantation,
yet through the provident and discreete care of the
Governours, recovered and preserved strength till our
owne crop on the ground was ready.
Having dispatched there, I returned home with all
speede convenient, where I found the state of the Colony
much weaker then when I left it : for til now we were
never without some Bread, the want whereof much abated
the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But
here it may be said, if the Countrey abound with Fish
and Fowle in such measure as is reported, how could
men undergoe such measure of hardnesse, except through
their owne negligence ? I answere : Every thing must
be expected in its proper season. No man, as one said,
will goe into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries :
so he that lookes for Fowle there in the Summer, will be
deceived in his expectation. The time they continue in
plenty with us, is from the beginning of October to the
end of March : but these extremities befell us in May
and June. I confesse, that as the Fowle decrease, so Fish
increase. And indeede their exceeding abundance was a
great cause of increasing our wants. For though our
Bay and Creekes were full of Basse, and other fish, yet
for want of fit and strong Saynes, and other netting, they
for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before
them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet we had
neither tackling nor harseis for our Shallops. And
indeede had we not beene in a place where divers sorts of
Shel-fish are that may be taken with the hand, we must
have perished, unlesse God had raised some unknowne
or extraordinary meanes for our preservation.
In the time of these streits (indeede before my going
to Munhiggen) the Indians began againe to cast forth
many insulting speeches, glorying in our weakenesse, and
giving out how easie it would be ere long to cut us off.
Now also Massassowat seemed to frowne on us, and
neither came or sent to us as formerly. These things
351
A.D.
l622.
Master
Westans
planters:
which plaid
the wasps with
English and
Savages.
[IV. X,
1857.]
PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
occasioned further thoughts of Fortification. And
whereas we have a Hill called the Mount, inclosed within
our Pale, under which our Towne is seated, we resolved
to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might
easily secure the Town from any assault the Indians
can make, whilest the rest might be imployed as
occasion served. This worke was begun with great
eagernesse, and with the approbation of all men,
hoping that this being once finished, and a continuall
guard there kept, it would utterly discourage the Savages
from having any hopes or thoughts of rising against us.
And though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from
dressing our Corne, yet (life being continued) wee hoped
God would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our
further preservation.
In the end of June, or beginning of July, came into our
harbour two Ships of Master Westons aforesaid, the one
called the Charitie, the other the Swan, having in them
some fiftie or sixtie men sent over at his owne charge to
plant for him. These we received into our Towne,
affording them whatsoever curtesie our meane condition
could afford. There the Charitie, being the bigger Ship,
left them, having many passengers which she was to land
in Virginia. In the meane time, the body of them
refreshed themselves at Plimoth, whilest some most fit
sought out a place for them. That little store of Corne
we had, was exceedingly wasted by the unjust and dis-
honest walking of these strangers, who though they would
sometimes seeme to helpe us in our labour about our
Corne, yet spared not day and night to steale the same,
it being then eatable, and pleasant to taste, though green
and unprofitable. And though they received much kind-
nesse, set light both by it and us. At length their Coasters
returned, having found in their judgement a place fit for
plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place
called by the Indians Wichaguscusset. To which place
the body of them went with all convenient speede, leaving
still with us such as were sicke and lame, by the
352
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1622.
Governours permission, though on their parts undeserved;
whom our Surgeon by the helpe of God recovered gratis
for them, and they fetched home, as occasion served.
They had not beene long from us, ere the Indians filled
our eares with clamours against them, for stealing their
Corne, and other abuses conceived by them. At which
we grieved the more, because the same men, in mine owne
hearing, had beene earnest in perswading Captaine
Standi sh, before their comming to solicite our Governour
to send some of his men to plant by them, alledging many
reasons how it might be commodious for us. But wee
knew no meanes to redresse those abuses, save reproofe,
and advising them to better walking, as occasion served.
In the end of August came other two Ships into our Two Ships.
harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discoverie,
Captaine Jones having the command thereof, the other
was that Ship of Master Westons, called the Sparrow,
which had now made her Voyage of Fish, and was con-
sorted with the other, being both bound for Virginia. Of
Captaine Jones we furnished our selves of such provisions Helpe from
as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as he Master Jones.
used us kindely, so made us pay largely for the things we
had. And had not the Almighty, in his All-ordering
Providence, directed him to us, it would have gone worse
with us, then ever it had beene, or after was : for, as we
had now but small store of Corne for the yeere following :
so for want of supply, we were worne out of all manner
of trucking-stufFe, not having any meanes left to helpe
our selves by trade; but through Gods good mercy
towards us, hee had wherewith, and did supply our wants
on that kinde competently.
In the end of September, or beginning of October,
Master Westons biggest Ship called the Charitie, returned
for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victualled,
as some of most credit amongst them reported. The
lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colony for their
further helpe. At which time they desired to joyne in
partnership with us to trade for Corne ; to which our
XIX 353 z
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
Governour and his Assistant agreed upon such equall
conditions, as were drawne and confirmed betweene them
and us. The chiefe places aimed at were to the Southward
of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose
peace before this time was wrought with Masassowat,
undertooke to discover unto us that supposed, and still
hoped passage within the Sholes.
Both Colonies being thus agreed, our Governour in
his owne person supplied the Captaines place, and in the
month of November set forth, having Tisquantum for his
Interpreter and Pilot, who affirmed he had twice passed
within the Sholes of Cape Cod, both with English and
French. Neverthelesse, they went so farre with him, as
the Master of the Ship saw no hope of passage : but being
(as he thought) in danger, bare up, and according to
Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not farre'
from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they
found, and sounding it with their Shallop found the
channell, though but narrow and crooked, where at length
they harboured the Ship. Here they perceived that the
Tide set in and out with more violence at some other
place more Southerly, which they had not seene nor could
discover, by reason of the violence of the season all the
time of their abode there* Some judged the entrance
thereof might be beyond the Sholes, but there is no
certainty thereof as yet knowne. That night the
Governour accompanied with others, having Tisquantum
for his Interpreter went ashoare : At first the Inhabitants
plaied least in sight, because none of our people had ever
beene there before ; but understanding the ends of their
comming, at length came to them, welcomming our
Governour according to their Savage manner, refreshing
them very well with store of Venison and other victuals
which they brought them in great abundance, promising
to trade with them, with a seeming gladnesse of the
occasion : yet their joy was mixed with much jealousie,
as appeared by their after practices : for at first they were
loath their dwellings should be knowne, but when they
354
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND A.n.
1622.
saw our Governours resolution to stay on the shoare all
night, they brought him to their houses, having first
convaied all their stufFe to a remote place, not farre from
the same, which one of our men walking forth occasionally,
espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor they
could be found, and so many times after upon conceived
occasions, they would be all gone, bag and baggage. But
being afterwards (by Tisquantums meanes) better per-
swaded, they left their jealousie and traded with them;
where they got eight hogsheads of Corne and Beanes,
though the people were but few. This gave our
Governour and the Company good encouragement.
Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the
Inhabitants affirming, they had scene Ships of good
burthen passe within the Sholes aforesaid. But here,
though they had determined to make a second assay,
yet God had otherwaies disposed, who strucke Tisquantum
with sicknesse, in so much as he there died, which crossed
their Southward trading, and the more, because the
Masters sufficiency was much doubted, and the season
very tempestuous, and not fit to goe upon discovery,
having no guide to direct them.
From thence they departed, and the winde being faire
for the Massachusets, went thither, and the rather because
the Savages upon our motion had planted much Corne
for us, which they promised not long before that time. [iv. x.
When they came thither, they found a great sicknesse to 1S58.]
be amongst the Indians, not unlike the Plague, if not A Plague.
the same. They renued their complaints to our Gover-
nour, against that other Plantation seated by them, for
their injurious walking. But indeede the trade both for Note.
Furres and Corne was overthrowne in that place, they
giving as much for a quart of Corne, as we used to doe
for a Beavers skin; so that little good could be there
done. From thence they returned into the bottome of
the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place called Nauset, where
the Sachim used the Governour very kindely, and where
they bought eight or ten hogsheads of Corne and Beanes,
355
AD. PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1022.
Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like
kinde entertainment and Corne also. During the time
of their trade in these places, there were so great and
violent stormes, as the Ship was much endangered, and
our Shallop cast away, so that they had now no meanes
to carry the Corne aboard that they had bought, the Ship
riding by their report well neere two leagues from the
same, her owne Boate being small, and so leake (having
no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood
or water in her. Hereupon the Governour caused the
Corne to be made in a round stacke, and bought Mats,
and cut Sedge to cover it, and gave charge to the Indians
not to meddle with it, promising him that dwelt next to
it a reward, if he would keepe vermine also from it, which
he undertooke, and the Sachim promised to make good.
Honest In the meane time, according to the Governors request,
Savagei. the Sachim sent men to seek the Shallop, which they found
buried almost in sand at a high-water marke, having many
things remaining in her, but unserviceable for the present ;
whereof the Governour gave the Sachim special! charge
that it should not be further broken. And having pro-
cured a Guide, it being no lesse then fiftie miles to our
Plantation, set forward, receiving all respect that could be
from the Indians in his journey, and came safely home,
though weary and surbated, whether some three dayes
after the Ship also came. The Corne being divided which
they had got, Master Westons Company went to their
owne Plantation, it being further agreed, that they should
returne with all convenient speede, and bring their
Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the Corne,
and save their Shallop.
At their returne Captaine Standish being recovered and
in health, tooke another Shallop, and went with them to
the Corne, which they found in safety as they left it :
also they mended the other Shallop, and got all their
Corne aboard the Ship. This was in January, as I tak^e
it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour
being none of the best) they were constrained to cut both
356
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND a.d.
1622.
the Shallops from the Ships sterne, and so lost them both
a second time. But the storme being over, and seeking
out, they found them both, not having received any great
hurt. Whitest they were at Nauset, having occasion to
lye on the shoare, laying their Shallop in a Creeke not
farre from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole
certaine Beads, Cissers, and others trifles out of the same,
which when the Captaine missed, he tooke certaine of
his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling
him what had hapned, and requiring the same againe, or
the party that stole them (who was knowne to certaine
of the Indians) or else he would revenge it on them before
his departure, and so tooke leave for that night being late,
refusing whatsoever kindnesse they offered. On the
morrow, the Sachim came to their randevow, accompanied
with many men, in a stately manner, who saluting the
Captaine in this wise ; He thrust out his tongue, that
one might see the roote thereof, and there with licked
his hand from the wrist to the fingers end, withaU bowing
the knee, striving to imitate the English gesture, being
instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum : his men did
the like, but in so rude and Savage a manner, as our men
could scarce forbeare to breake out in open laughter.
After salutation, he delivered the Beads, and other things
to the Captaine, saying, he had much beaten the party
for doing it, causing the women to make Bread, and
bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very
sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they
departed, and came home in safety ; where the Corne was
equally divided, as before.
After this, the Governour went to two other inland
Townes, with another Company, and bought Corne like-
wise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Namaiket.
Manomet. That from Namasket was brought home Mammet.
partly by Indian women ; but a great sicknesse arising
amongst them, our owne men were inforced to fetch home
the rest. That at Manomet the Governour left in the
Sachims custody : this Towne lieth from us South well
357
AD- PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMES
1622.
neere twenty miles, and stands upon a fresh River, which
runneth into the Bay of Narohigganset, and cannot be
lesse then sixty miles from thence. It will beare a Boat
of eight or ten tun to this place. Hither the Dutch, or
French, or both use to come. It is from hence to the Bay
of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it
floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost direct towards
the Towne. The heads of the River, and this Creeke,
are not farre distant. This River yeeldeth thus high,
Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other Shel-fish, one in shape
like a Beane, another like a Clam, both good meate, and
great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth witH
divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. The Governour
or Sachim of this place, was caUed Canacum, who had
formerly, as well as many others (yea all with whom as
yet we had to doe) acknowledged themselves the Subjects
of our Soveraigne Lord the King. This Sachim used
the Governour very kindely, and it seemed was of good
respect and authority amongst the Indians. For whilest
[IV. X. the Governour was there within night in bitter weather,
1859.] came two men from Manamoick, before spoken of, and
having set aside their Bowes and Quivers, according to
their manner, sat down by the fire, and tooke a pipe of
Tobacco, not using any words in that time, nor any other
to them, but all remained silent, expecting when they
would speake : At length they looked toward Canacum,
and one of them made a short speech, and delivered a
present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of
Tobacco, and many Beades, which the other received
thankfully. After which, he made a long speech to him,
the contents hereof was related to us by Hobbamock (who
then accompanied the Governour for his Guide) to be as
foUoweth ; It hapned that two of their men fell out as
lavages great they were in game (for they use gaming as much as any
gamsters. where, and will play away all, even their skin from their
backs, yea and for their wives skins also, though it may
be they are many miles distant from them, as my selfe
have seene) and growing to great heat, the one killed the
358
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLAND ad.
1622.
other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of speciall
note amongst them, and such an one as they covild not well
misse,yet another people greater then themselves threatned
them with warre, if they would not put him to death.
The partie offending was in hold, neither would their
Sachim doe one way or other till their returne, resting
upon him for advice and furtherance in so weightie a
matter. After this there was silence a short time; at
length men gave their judgement what they thought best.
Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought ?
Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought
it was better that one should die then many, since he had
deserved it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he
passed the sentence of death upon him.
Not long after (having no great quantitie of Corne left)
Captaine Standish went againe with a Shallop to Matta-
chiest, meeting also with the like extremitie of weather,
both of winde. Snow, and Frost, insomuch as they were
frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same.
Here they pretended their wonted love, and spared them
a good quantitie of Corne to confirme the same : Strangers
also came to this place, pretending onely to see him and
his Companie, whom they never saw before that time,
but intending to joyne with the rest to kill them, as after
appeared. But being forced through extremitie to lodge
in their houses, which they much pressed, God possessed
the heart of the Captaine with just jealousie, giving strait Just jealousie.
command, that as one part of his Companie slept, the rest
should wake, declaring some things to them which he
understood, whereof he could make no good construction.
Some of the Indians spying a fit opportunitie, stole some
Beades also from him, which he no sooner perceived,
having not above six men with him, drew them all from
the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims
house, where the most of the people were, threatning to
fall upon them without further delay, if they would not
forthwith restore them, signifying to the Sachim especially,
and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least
359
AD. :PURCHAS HIS pilgrimES
1622.
injurie, so he would not receive any at theif hands, which
should escape without punishment or due satisfaction.
Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to finde out the
partie, which when he had done, caused him to returne
them againe to the Shallop, and came to the Captai^e,
desiring him to search whether they were not about the
Boat, who suspecting their knaverie, sent one, who found
them lying openly upon the Boats cuddy ; yet to appease
his anger, they brought Corne afresh to trade,^ insomuch
as he laded his Shallop, and so departed. This accident
so daunted their courage, as they durst not attempt any
thing against him. So that through the good mercy and
providence of God they returned in safetie. At this
Basse Summer place the Indians get abundance of Basse both Summer
and Winter, and Winter, for it being now February they abounded
with them.
In the beginning of March, having refreshed himselfe,
he tooke a Shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home
that which the Governour had formerly bought, hoping
also to get more from them, but was deceived in his
expectation, not finding that entertainment he found else-
where, and the Governour had there received. The
reason whereof, and of the trecherie intended in the place
before spoken of, was not then knowne unto us, but
afterwards : wherein may be observed the abundant
mercies of God working with his providence for our good.
Captaine Standish being now farre from the Boat, and not
above two or three of our men with him, and as many
with the Shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims
house, but in came two of the Massachuset men, the chiefe
of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting
villaine, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the
bloud of English and French, and had oft boasted of his
owne valour, and derided their weaknesse, especia,lly
because (as he said) they died crying, making sowre faces,
more like children then men. This villaine tooke a dagger
from about his necke (which hee had gotten of Master
Westons people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after
360
GOOD NEWS FROM NEW ENGLANt) a.6.
1622.
made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it
in such sort, as the Captaine (though he be the best
Linguist amongst us) could not gather any thing from it.
The end of it was afterward discovered to be as foUoweth :
The Massacheuseuckes formerly concluded to ruinate
Master Westons Colonie, and thought themselves, being
about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the
same : yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they
had gathered more strength to themselves to make their
partie good against us at Plimoth, concluding, that if wee
reniained (though they had no other Arguments to use
against us) yet wee would never leave the death of our [IV. x.
Countrimen unrevenged, and therefore their safetie could i860.]
not be without the overthrow of both Plantations. To
this end they had formerly solicited this Sachim, as also
the other called lanough at Mattachiest, and many others
to assist them, and now againe came to prosecute the
same ; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered
by the Captaines presence, they thought best to make sure
him and his Company. After this message was delivered,
his entertainment much exceeded the Captaines, insomuch
as hee scorned at their behaviour, and told them of it :
after which, they would have perswaded him, because the
weather was cold, to have sent to the Boate for the rest of
his Company, but he would not, desiring according to
promise, that the Corne might be carried downe, and he
would content the women for their labour, which they
did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of Paomet
or Cape Cod then present, who had ever demeaned him-
selfe well towards us, being in his generall carriage very
affable, courteous, and 
Live Music Archive
Librivox Free Audio
Metropolitan Museum
Cleveland Museum of Art
Internet Arcade
Console Living Room
Open Library
American Libraries
TV News
Understanding 9/11